Title: Toward a Separate Black Sea Command
1Toward a Separate Black Sea Command
- Hall Gardner
- Professor, International and Comparative Politics
Department - American University of Paris
- Cicero Foundation
- October 26, 2008
2Hall Gardner Ashgate 2007
3Hall GardnerPalgrave 2007
4Toward US-EU-Russian Strategic Dialogue
- The wider Black Sea region has been called the
Bermuda Triangle of Western strategic studies - A region lost between European, Eurasian, and
Middle Eastern security spaces, few had really
studied it from a strategic perspective prior to,
or immediately after, Soviet collapse - Certainly it was not studied by the US and NATO
when the NATO enlargement debate began in the
1990s.
5BSEC
- Despite lack of American attention to the region,
Turkey and other Black Sea riparian states
understood the importance of the area. - One of the more visionary accords that followed
the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 was
consequently the formation of the Black Sea
Economic Cooperation (BSEC) on 25 June 1992 in
Istanbul.
6BSEC
- The Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) was
established in Istanbul by eleven countries
Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia,
Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and
Ukraine. - In May 1999, it became the Organization of Black
Sea Economic Cooperation and established its
Headquarters in Istanbul in March 2004. Serbia
and Montenegro then joined in April 2004. In
2005, the United States applied for, and was
granted, observer status at BSEC. 2005, the
United States applied for, and was granted,
observer status at BSEC.
7BSEC
- Neighboring non-littoral countries like Albania,
Greece, Serbia, Montenegro in the Balkans, and
Azerbaijan and Georgia in the Caucasus, plus
Moldova, along the Dneister, are full members. - The major European countries and the USA possess
only observers status in the BSEC. - Initially only Greece was simultaneously a member
of NATO, the EU and the BSEC, but was then joined
by Romania and Bulgaria, thus widening NATO and
EU influence.
8BSEC
- The BSEC has developed an extensive institutional
framework of cooperation that covers all levels
of governance (inter-governmental, parliamentary,
and financial). - It has formulated a number of binding agreements
and common action plans on key issues of regional
cooperation (some 33 by 2008). - It has sought out trade and economic cooperation
(including cross-border activities, trade
facilitation and the creation of favorable
conditions for investment). A number of these
have been earmarked as areas of potential linkage
with EU policies.
9BSEC
- The purpose of the BSEC is to ensure peace,
stability and prosperity and good-neighborly
relations in the Black Sea region. - Yet the BSEC needs further guidance in order to
continue along the path of cooperative security
and to implement a full-fledged multilateral
regional security community so as to ensure the
peace, stability and prosperity and
good-neighborly relations in the region, if not
in the world, for the very long term.
10Importance of BSEC region
- Key commercial rivers (the Danube, Dniester, and
Dnieper) - Controls the trans-Ukrainian oil and gas
pipelines running to the energy markets in the
north of Europe. - Russian energy export facilities lie near
Novorossiysk in Krasnodar Krai hemmed between
the Ukrainian Crimea and Georgia. - Blue Stream natural gas pipeline links Russia and
Turkey under Black Sea. - The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline links to
the Mediterranean and provides an alternative to
Russian-backed routes (but still transits
Turkey).
11Geopolitical Shift
- Moscow and the Warsaw Pact no longer dominate
the Black Sea region in face-to-face
confrontation with NATO member Turkey. - Moscow now shares the Black Sea littoral with the
independent states, Turkey, Bulgaria, Romania,
Georgia and Ukraine. (In addition, Abkhazian
independence has now been backed by Russia). - Moscow controls only a small part of the
northeastern shores of the Black Seaplus naval
facilities at Sebastopol that have been leased
from Ukraine in the Crimea until 2017.
12Question of Turkey
- Turkey has been regarded as a secondary energy
transit route to the EU, after Russia - It has been accused of seeking to use energy as a
lever to pressure EU policy due to its
geostrategic position as a recipient of oil and
gas from Azerbaijan, Iran (and the Caspian Sea)
as well as Russia (if not Iraq). - Russia is Turkeys major trading partner and
provider of two thirds of its natural gas.
13Turkish Options
- Turkey has been blocked from obtaining energy
imports from Iran due to American opposition,
thus increasing Turkeys (and Europes)
dependence upon Russia. - Turkeys economy was harmed by the the first
Persian Gulf war in 1990 and by years of embargo
on Iraq even five years after the 2003 US
military intervention in Iraq, high quality Iraqi
crude has not yet reached its full market
potential and transported through Turkey
14Russo-Turkish Combo?
- In March 2006, NATO member Turkey, along with
Russia, openly opposed the extension of NATOs
naval Operation Active Endeavor (OAE) from the
Mediterranean into the Black Sea. - The OAE had been supported by both Bulgaria and
Romania, as well as by Ukraine and Georgia. These
Black Sea littoral states tend to regard Russian
and Turkish efforts to check NATO as a means to
establish a Russo-Turkish energy condominium
over the BSEC pact and to prevent the US/NATO
from interfering more directly in their regional
affairs.
15Russo-Turkish Combo?
- Ankara has argued that the OAE is unnecessary as
it duplicates the already-existing Black Sea
Naval Force of all six Black Sea riparian states.
The Black Sea Border Coordination and Information
Center (BBCIC) additionally possesses NATO
connections. - Ankara argues that the OAE violates the 1936
Montreux convention that permits Turkey to
control the straits. - Which has priority the Euro-Atlantic alliance or
Russia-Turkey?
16Montreaux Convention?
- The OAE issue thus raised the question as to
whether the United States and EU need to demand a
review of the Montreux Convention. (NATO has
insisted on sending ships in the region on a
rotating basis) - Or, by contrast, should the United States
encourage Turkey and Russia to take the lead in
cooperation with US/NATO and the EU--- rather
than expanding OAE into the Black Sea? - Russia has planned to counter US/ NATO naval
presence in the Black Sea with military manuevers
with Venezuela in Caribbean in November 2008!
17Russian Oil Exports
- Russias oil export facilities near Novorossiysk
have been crucial for its economic recovery,
largely as a result of burgeoning energy prices
from 2003-mid-2008. (After the October 2008
financial crash, however, the outlook for
continuing high energy prices looks dubious for
the near future.) - The Georgian port of Supsa lies just 12 miles
from a buffer zone between Georgia and Abkhazia,
whose independence has been backed by Moscow
since August 2008.
18Economic Importance
- The projection that Europe could be importing
some 90 percent of its oil, 60 of its gas and
66 of its coal from sources beyond Europe itself
by 2030 (assuming Europe cannot soon develop
viable alternatives to oil, gas and coal)
indicates the importance of the region - This means Europe needs to diversify to cut costs
and in order to obtain secure access to energy
supplies
19Limited Diversification Options
- Agreements of Georgia with Azerbaijan and of
Armenia with Iran for gas imports, bypassing
Gazprom, are not yet close to obtaining
diversity, let alone independence from Russian
supplies - The Nabucco pipeline is dependent upon Turkmen
and Iranian gas but Gazprom is trying to counter
Nabucco with a Russian Hungarian project of
re-exporting gas, supplied to Turkey through the
Blue Stream via the territories of Bulgaria and
Romania to Hungary, and then to Western Europe.
20Limited Diversification
- In addition, the 2007 South Stream project is to
start from Russias Black Sea coast at
Beregovaya near Novorossiysk (within Krasnodar
Krai), the same starting point as that of the
Blue Stream pipeline to Turkey. South Stream
would run to Bulgaria, and then to Italy. - Neither the BTC, nor its much heralded
natural-gas partner, Nabucco, can ever hope to
make a serious dent in Europe's thirst for
energy. That is why, well before the current
crisis, major investors and governments in the
region have been quietly switching their support
from Nabucco to Russia's own pipeline expansion
project - Southstream.
21 Efforts to Monopolize Energy Supplies
- Russia seeks to maximize the range of its export
routes under full or partial Russian control.
Adding to the existing pipelines -- Beltransgaz
and Yamal through Belarus and Poland and the
Ukrainian transit pipelines westward and
southward -- Russia is building the Baltic seabed
pipeline to Germany planning to extend its Blue
Stream pipeline from Turkey farther afield and
now targeting southern and central Europe through
the South Stream pipeline. By putting a
multiplicity of options on the table, Russia can
pressure countries it regards as recalcitrant
into transportation deals favorable to Moscow
22Diversifying Energy
- Diversifying energy resources and technologies
needs to be taken no matter who is the supplier. - The development of alternative energy resource
supplies and energy saving technologies can, in
turn, help moderate the Russian (and secondarily
Turkish) strategic-energy stranglehold on a
number of states, in addition to limiting US and
European dependence upon energy suppliers in the
Persian Gulf and Caspian sea, among other
suppliers. - Need an International Agency for the Development
of Alternative Energy!
23Map
24Map
25Map
26Three Approaches to Black Sea Security
- The first is the full integrationist approach
in which the Black Sea region is to be fully
integrated into the Euro-Atlantic community. - The second is NATO-EU self-limitation in which
NATO and the EU enlarge membership to key states
in the region, but attempt to mollify Russian
security concerns by working with the
NATO-Russian Council.
27A Third Approach
- The third is the cooperative security approach.
- The US/NATO, the EU, and Russia need to actively
work together to forge a regional security
community involving the formation a newly
improvised and separate US/NATO-EU-Russian Black
Sea Command structure - This Black Sea Command can be created following
the formulation of a new Euro-atlantic and
Eurasian Security Treaty.
28A Critique of the Full Integration Approach
- Contrary to Asmus and Jackson, it does not appear
that political-military stability can be achieved
by defending our own (NATOs) integrationist
logic. - An alternative option Why cannot this wider
region be part of a separate regional command
structure under overlapping US, EU and Russian
security guarantees? - As opposed to full integration, the goal should
be to bring Russia and other states into an
interlocking, if not a confederal, relationship
that permits a relative autonomy. -
29A Critique of the NATO-EU Self Limitation
Approach
- Membership of Romania and Bulgaria in NATO and
the EU threaten to twist the interests of these
states away from the Black Sea region and back
toward US and European geo-strategic and
political interests. - Problems with the European Neighborhood Program
Bulgaria, Romania and EU Enlargement fatigue? - Russia is strongly signaling that it no longer
accepts the so-called NATO self-limitationapproa
ch after the Georgia-Russia conflict on August
7-8, 2008
30Cooperative Security
- Through a fully empowered Black Sea Command, the
US, the European Union and Russia can begin to
engage the NATO-Russian Council, re-invigorated
with strong EU input, the Euro-Atlantic
Partnership Council/ Partnership for Peace (PFP)
Working Group comprised of littoral states, and
other regimes/ organizations in the effort to
implement a full-fledged regional security
community for the entire BSEC backed by US/NATO,
Russia and EU security guarantees under a UN or
OSCE mandate.
31Proposals
- A separate Black Sea Command can also help
bolster US-Turkish relations and mediate a feared
Russian- Turkish condominium over energy
supplies. - Such an approach would seek to accommodate
American, European and Russian geo-strategic and
political economic interests through use of
relevant EU programs, coupled with EU cooperation
with Turkey, while assisting Black Sea political
cooperation and socio-economic development - It would also seek investment from Japan and
China, among other states and energy firms.
32A Bold Approach
- Such a bold approach would consequently help
reinvigorate the largely moribund US/NATO-Russian
relationship, augment the role of the European
Union, strengthen the Euro-Atlantic Partnership
Council and Partnership for Peace. - It would also seek to boost deteriorating
US-Turkish relations, in an area of important
mutual interest that links Russia, the Caspian
Sea, the so-called Greater Middle East and
Europe.
33A bold approach in brief
- Such a bold approach would require the
establishment of a US-European Transatlantic
Security Council accompanied by the formulation
of a separate US-EU-Russian Black Sea Command
structure as an integral aspect of a more
encompassing Euroatlantic and Eurasian Security
Treaty--- in critical compromise with Russian
proposals for a pan-European security pact
ultimately leading to a new European Union and
Community of Associated States!!!
34Shatterbelt
- The fact that the BSEC straddles two continents
with differing cultures, religions and
civilizations puts it in a shatterbelt of
actually and potentially conflicting states,
ethnic groups and geo-economic interests. - These shatterbelt conflicts tend to crisscross
differing civilizations in very different
alliancescontrary to Huntingtons views. In
Georgia alone, Abhazians, S. Ossetians and
Russians are thus far aligned--- even if not part
of the same civilization ---while Russia and
Georgia are both of (conflicting) Orthodox
Christian background!
35Potential for Wider Conflicts
- The current Russia-Georgia crisis stems, in part,
from an uncoordinated NATO-European Union
double enlargement that has not necessarily
taken into consideration legitimate Russian
political, economic and security concerns and
has hence risked a Russian backlash - The August 2008 Georgia - Russia conflict has
ramifications for the Caucasus, for the Black
Sea, for energy routes, for the Crimea and
Ukraine, and for Europe itself, particularly for
those states bordering Russia, as well as for the
global war on terrorism.
36Potential for Wider Conflicts
- The borders of states along the Black Sea are to
a large extent an artificial product of the
Molotov-Ribbentrop pact of World War II or else
the consequence of historical Ottoman and Russian
wars, or Russian conquest of the Caucasus. - It is the region through which passes illegal
immigrants, human traffickers, narcotics, and
weapons, as well as various terrorist groups.
37Potential for Wider Conflicts
- Russian-Ukrainian conflict over Sea of Azov
(adjacent to Krasnodar Krai) in 2003 - Russian-Ukrainian claims to the Crimea Ukraine
wants Russia to withdraw from its naval port at
Sebastopol which Russia has leased until 2017.
Russian pan-nationalists and Eurasianists
continue to claim the Crimea, stating that
Khrushchev gave it away illegally - Only other ports for the Russian fleet are in
shallow waters near Novorossiysk or the newly
independent Abkhazia
38Potential for Wider Conflicts
- Georgia Russia conflict affects US-EU-Russian
policy toward the nuclear programs of Iran and
North Korea - Georgia - Russia conflict also affects
NATO-Russian policy toward Afghanistan, in which
the Russians have permitted NATO to supply
Afghanistan through Russian transit routes in
implementing the NATO-Russia Action Plan on
Terrorism. - The conflict has caused political disputes
within the major international regimes the UN,
NATO and NATO-Russia Council, the European Union,
the OSCE, the World Trade Organization, the G-8,
as well as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
(SCO) and the Collective Security Treaty
Organization (CSTO).
39Wider Conflicts
- As Russia has begun to rebound politically and
economically circa 2003, Russian leaders have
begun to denounce - NATO enlargement, arms sales and military
infrastructure in eastern Europe - U.S. National Missile Defense (NMD)
- The 1990 Conventional Force in Europe (CFE)
treaty (adapted in 1999). On July 14, 2007,
Russia stated that it would suspend its
participation in the CFE until NATO ratified the
treaty. - Moscow has been questioning the 1987 INF Treaty
40Wider conflicts
- Russia initially backed Serbian policy toward
Kosovo but then Kosova independence provided
Moscow with pretext to maintain Russian positions
in the Transdniester, Abkhazia, South Ossetia,
and Nagorno-Karabakh regions. - Moscow is consequently using military threats to
boost its influence in the frozen conflicts
and to block NATO membership for Ukraine and
Georgia. - In leaving the CFE, Russia has threatened to
build up conventional forces in Caucasian
regions, in its Western areas and possibly place
IRBMs in Kaliningrad
41From Shatterbelt to Shelterbelt
- The future dilemma is to how to transform the
entire Black Sea regional shatterbelt (or
conflict zone) into a shelterbelt (or stable
regional security community) - And how to prevent the region from being divided
into destabilizing antagonistic major and
regional power spheres of influence and
security. - Russian President Medvedevs June and October
2008 proposals for a new pan-European security
pact need to be critically exploredNot much
time left to resolve this crisisand others
perhaps a 3 to 4 year window of opportunity
42Frozen Conflicts
- There will evidently be no full-fledged Black Sea
regional cooperation without an concerted effort
to resolve the following - Georgia- Russia conflict on 7-8 August 2008 and
continuing disputes over Russias formal
recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia - Russian support for Transnister secession against
Moldova - Conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh in which Russia
and Iran support Armenia vs Azerbaijan - Plus the question of the Russian fleet at
Sebastopol
43Russian Policy Backfiring?
- Russian recognition of S. Ossetia and Abhazia (as
response to Kosovar independence) has tended to
alienate Russia's own allies (China and Shanghai
Cooperation Organization as well as the
Collective Security Treaty Organization) - Russian recognition of national independence
movements also provides ideological justification
for those national and ethnic groups that have
historically opposed Russian imperialism and that
might ultimately seek "independence" from Russia
itself.
44Russian Policy Backfiring?
- Russia recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia
could thus backfire Russia is also afflicted by
secessionist movements which were largely managed
by Yeltsin through autonomy accords (except
Chechnya) but which have largely been placed
under central governmental control when Mr. Putin
abolished the direct election of governors in
2004 in 89 regions - This situation makes the central govt directly
responsible for policy errors Russia risks
further isolating itself from the world community
and alienating a number of its own indigenous
communities.
45Hope for Settlement
- Situation in Georgia is similar to Turkish
recognition of northern Cyprus as few countries
back Russias decision to recognize South Ossetia
and Abhazia, just as few countries backed
Turkeys decision to recognize northern Cyprus
yet Greek and Turkish Cypriots are finally
talking! - There may still be room to compromise on what is
meant by independence and Georgian territorial
integrity-- by redefining the terms.
46 Hope for Settlement
- Russia might not want to support and subsidize
these impoverished regions indefinitely
(particularly S. Ossetia) - And these regions might not want a permanent
Russian military presence. - Abkhazia and South Ossetia could still reach for
important security accords and trading
arrangements with both Russia and Georgia that
permit close cooperation. (The same could be true
for Kosova and Serbia.)
47Hope for a Settlement
- The EU could extend its European Neighborhood
Policy to the secessionist republics of Abkhazia
and S. Ossetia to reduce their dependence upon
Moscow - Close political and economic cooperation between
Russia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Georgia could
result in a new definition of "independence" and
in a form of "autonomy" or "confederation". - Georgia can then, in turn, claim that its
territorial integrity remains intact,
although not in the traditional sense of the
concept.
48Hope for Settlement
- By redefining the concept of "independence," it
may be possible for Russia to find a face saving
way out of the crisis that will ultimately permit
the deployment of international (not NATO)
peacekeepers either along side Russian forces or
in replacing those forces. - Such an agreement -- involving mutual and
overlapping security accords, backed by the UN
Security Council or OSCE--- may also make it
possible for Russia, Georgia, South Ossetia and
Abkhazia to live side by side in peace and mutual
prosperity, while protecting the rights of
minority communities.
49Hope for a Settlement
- One simply cannot offer Ukraine a MAP or
membership in NATO (or in the European Union)
until the Russians and Ukrainians settle their
own disputes over boundariesand over Russian
irredentist claims to Crimea, in particular. - Ukrainian elites and populations are divided over
NATO question - Germany, in particular, has thus far been opposed
to alienating Russia by bringing Ukraine and
Georgia into NATO - Bringing Georgia into NATO does not resolve the
complex security issues facing the Caucasus
region as a whole. A regional approach needs to
be taken.
50Hope for a Settlement
- With the European Union mediating, the US/NATO
and the EU could work to create a Black Sea
"security community" under a separate regional
command structure that would include Russia,
Turkey, Ukraine, Georgia, Bulgaria and Romania,
under general UN or OSCE auspices. - Joint naval and military cooperation to
establish confidence - Deployment of international forces and police for
peacekeeping and nation building tasks under
UN or OSCE authority. These forces could be
trained by NATOs Partnership for Peace and the
EU.
51Proposals
- A US-EU-Russian partnership or entente is crucial
to establishing regional security, and in
bringing all BSEC states into a more concerted
relationship in the creation of a separate Black
Sea Command structure. - A US-EU-Russian Black Sea Command could support
Turkish initiatives, such as the Black Sea Naval
Task Force (BlackSeaFor), and Black Sea Harmony
as a regional grouping involving the Black Sea
littoral states.
52Proposals
- This proposed Black Sea Command needs to engage
with the BSEC in airspace reconnaissance, border
controls and coastal security in the effort to
check drug smuggling, organized crime, human
trafficking, as well as terrorist activities. - The US, Russia and the EU will need to work with
Kazakhstan and regional groupings such as the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the
"Caucasus Stability and Co-operation Platform"
proposed by Ankara in August 2008 where possible.
53Proposals
- The US and NATO must accordingly try to tackle
these important issues at the highest levels in
direct cooperation with the EU and Russia - NATO, having appeared to promise full membership
for Georgia particularly, but also for Ukraine,
needs to find a new form of membership for these
countries through the formulation of a more
encompassing Euroatlantic and Eurasian Security
Treaty in compromise with Russian proposals for a
pan-European security pact
54Proposals
- In addition to engaging in the European
Neighborhood Policy (ENP), the EU itself needs to
reach out to Russia, Ukraine, Georgia and Turkey
in order to coordinate political, social,
economic, and security policies throughout the
wider Black Sea region. - France/EU has expressed its support for Turkish
proposals for a "Caucasus Stability and
Co-operation Platform initially involving
Turkey, Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. - Nothing should prevent other concerned states,
including the US, from supporting this
initiative.
55Proposals
- The EU is already the major donor of development
assistance to Ukraine. But such aid should be
offered in such a way so as to not strengthen
already deep political-cultural- ethnic divisions
within the country. - European aid and assistance for Ukraine should
not be used (even inadvertently) in such a way so
as to exclude Russia, but to include her, and to
actually help build EU-Russian confidence. - In other words, the EU needs to balance its
development assistance between the essentially
pro-European western regions and the generally
pro-Russian eastern regions of Ukraine.
56Proposals
- Both US/NATO and the EU need to be as flexible as
possible in dealing with their "new" neighbours. - Both US/NATO and the EU will accordingly need to
re-define their approaches to the new Europe by
means of changing membership categories so as to
better incorporate the differing legitimate
interests of Russia, as well as those of Ukraine,
Georgia and other states (not to overlook regions
with "separatist" demands).
57Proposals
- In the short term, Ukraine (and Georgia) should
remain "neutral" and not a member of either NATO
or the European Union. - In the longer term, however, just as Greece and
Turkey came into NATO together, it is possible
that both the Russia and Ukraine could come into
NATO and the EU together, but not as "full"
members of either regimebut as very close
associate members. - This would represent the development of a
confederal relationship or asymmetrical
federalism--- in the formation of a new European
Union and Community of Associated States.
58Proposals
- Turkey could accordingly be member of the
proposed Mediterranean Union and the "Caucasus
Stability and Co-operation Platform" as well as
an associate member of the EU, for example. - Although approaches should be different, one
option is to grant special, but limited, voting
advantages to Russia, Ukraine and Turkey, as
associate members of the European Union, once
again in the process of forming a new European
Union and Community of Associated States.
59Proposals
- The EU, having appeared to promise membership to
every European country (including Turkey) thus
needs to find some new associated membership
formula that permits the BSEC some form of
participation in EU decision making as a whole. - Likewise, the US also needs to find new
membership formulas that bring states into
associated status with NATO through separate
regional command structures.
60Proposals
- As the EU has been mediating between Russia and
Georgia, the EU additionally needs a permament
role in the NATO-Russian relationship--- by means
of establishing a new US-European Union
Transatlantic Security Council, which would seek
to better coordinate political, defense, and
economic issues as well as security concerns
61The Goal
- The goal would be to implement a separate Black
Sea Command structure as an integral aspect of a
new Euroatlantic and Eurasian Security Treaty (in
critical compromise with Russian proposals for a
pan-European security pact) - Such an accord would envision Russia, Ukraine and
Turkey as associate members of a new European
Union and Community of Associated States!!! - We also need an International Agency for the
Development of Alternative Energy!
62Dangers Ahead
- US is concentrating its attention and resources
on the global war on terror with its focus
primarily on Iraq, Afghanistan and increasingly
Pakistan, not to overlook Iran - EU is suffering from enlargement fatigue. There
is a real possibility that the US and EU will
fail to invest enough attention and resources in
the Black Sea area. - This would permit both Russia and Turkey to
install a regional energy condominium, but one
that will not be stable or long lasting due to
political economic tensions between the two
countries.
63Dangers Ahead
- In a period of global financial crisis, US-EU
issues of burden and responsibilty
sharing versus power sharing will
increasingly come to the forefront - US policy will stall until elections take place
and as the new leadership takes time to re-assess
Bush administration foreign policy. At present,
neither McCain nor Obama can be seen as weak
versus Russia. - Failure to bring Russia into greater cooperation
with US/NATO and the EU will only exacerbate the
real risks of a further destabilization of the
Black Sea regionwith the real dangers of a
Crimean War scenario lurking in the background.
64 Surmounting the Dangers
- Georgia Russia conflict has raised fears of many
European states that border Russia NATO, having
moved from collective security to peacemaking and
peacekeeping, plus global counter-terrorism,
might need to return to its original task of
collective security --- - But that is only if the present tensions with
Russia cannot be resolved through closer
US-NATO-EU policy coordination in the
formulation of a new Euroatlantic and Eurasian
Security Treaty
65Surmounting the Dangers
- This proposed Euroatlantic and Eurasian Security
Treaty- in critical compromise with Russian
proposals for a pan-European Security pact- will
need to be counterbalanced by a closer
transatlantic cooperation through the formation
of a US-European Union Transatlantic Security
Council - Closer US, EU and Russian cooperation could then
lead to the establishment of a new European Union
and Community of Associated States!!!
66 Averting Global War
- The goal must be to come together and take the
steadfast and prudent steps now political,
economic and, when appropriate, military to
shape the international environment and choices
of other powers Our policies and responses must
show a mixture of resolve and restraint To be
firm, but not fall into a pattern of rhetoric or
actions that create self-fulfilling prophecies
We must try to prevent situations where we have
only two bleak choices confrontation or
capitulation, 1914 or 1938. --- Robert M. Gates
(Blenheim Palace, Sept. 19, 2008)
67Averting Global War Palgrave 2007