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Title: Civil Service Reform in Developing Countries: The Limits of the Merit Model


1
Civil Service Reform in Developing Countries The
Limits of the Merit Model
  • Geoffrey Shepherd
  • 5th Global Forum on Re-inventing Government
  • Innovation and Quality in the Government of the
    21st Century
  • Mexico City, 5-6 November 2003

2
The issue the merit model for civil-service
reform has not taken root in developing countries
  • Civil services in developing countries are large,
    underpaid, and politicized.
  • Hence service delivery is inefficient and
    corrupt.
  • The consensus in the development community is on
    a merit model for civil-service reform (the model
    used by todays advanced countries).
  • This model has not taken root because politics
    militates against it
  • Patronage politics and large government.
  • The challenge to move from patronage to merit
  • getting merit and politics to live together.

3
Organizing principles for a civil service
  • Merit systems employ people on the basis of
    merit, protect them from undue political
    interference, and provide equality of access.
  • Patronage systems need capable people, but they
    overwhelmingly use public jobs to provide private
    payoffs.
  • Payoffs for political services rendered to
    reward friends and family to shore up political
    support.
  • New Public Management principles provide options
    to improve the performance orientation of merit
    systems in the core civil service (or to change
    personnel systems more radically in decentralized
    public agencies)
  • Civil service systems and performance
    orientation
  • Patronage systems contaminate efforts to improve
    performance.
  • Merit systems improve performance.
  • Merit systems are pre-conditions for NPM-style
    options.

4
Outline of the argument
  • The merit model promotes competence and protects
    the civil service from political interference.
  • But it largely fails in developing countries
  • The evidence of history shows the conditions
    under which merit reforms come about and
    subsequently develop.
  • Merit-based reform in developing countries is
    stymied by politics and by large government.
  • What can be done?
  • We can improve the way we think about the
    problem de-politicizing the civil service is
    unrealistic, re-politicizing the debate is
    realistic.
  • We should eschew comprehensive merit reforms and
    look for selective reform opportunities that
    acknowledge political realities.
  • Brazil an example of a judicial mix of merit,
    politics, and pragmatism.

5
The universal model of merit-based reform the
basics
  • Entrance to the service based on competitive
    exams.
  • Protection of civil servants from arbitrary
    removal.
  • Protection of their political neutrality.
  • Policing of these rules by an independent body.

6
The universal model of merit-based reform other
features
  • Common features
  • positions are established centrally and
    classified according to rank
  • bureaucrats are paid a salary and pension that is
    determined by their rank, rather than the work
    that they do
  • there are often impediments to external lateral
    entry at senior grades
  • there are few points of entry, with most entering
    at a young age and most senior positions filled
    by promotion.
  • Divergent feature the amount and depth of
    political, as opposed to merit, appointments
  • Some countries (the US, Brazil) allow large
    numbers of more senior political appointments.

7
Merit reform in developing countries
  • Merit principles are often written into
    constitutions and laws.
  • But these principles are not respected in
    practice.
  • Civil-service reform has proven among the most
    difficult of developmental reforms to sustain,
    and there is little evidence that nationally- or
    donor-inspired reform efforts have met with much
    success.
  • The example of World Bank projects the Banks
    own analyses have admitted that success has been
    limited.

8
Civil-service reform six propositions from
history (1)
  • Patronage systems are not a universal evil they
    fund political competition
  • the US in the early 19th Century.
  • Merit reforms only come to fruition when they are
    moved by powerful external forces.
  • Overwhelming political demands for more
    efficiency and less corruption in the US and UK
    in the 19th Century.
  • The French revolution and the demand for
    protection against the state in the 19th Century.
  • In spite of different paths and conditions,
    reforms have closely converged on a similar merit
    model.
  • Helping solve the problem of credible commitment

9
Civil-service reform six propositions from
history (2)
  • Reforms took a long time to be fully implemented.
  • Merit reforms have also made the civil service
    into a powerful public-sector institution and
    interest group in its own right.
  • Merit reforms create new tensions
  • They alleviate problems of political interference
    and of hierarchical control
  • But they create incentives that reduce the
    efficiency and political responsiveness of civil
    servants.
  • As a result, there is a continuing tension
    between merit-based principles and NPM-style
    principles that lead to greater flexibility, but
    can also open the way to greater politicization.

10
Why reform is difficult in developing countries
three propositions (1)
  • New interests with the need and the power to
    promote a more efficient and honest public
    administration are weak in many countries.
  • Some countries are characterized by spoils
    systems that provide the currency of political
    competition.
  • Others are characterized by the continuing vigor
    of traditional systems (kinship and loyalty ties,
    for instance) which frustrate reform movements.

11
Why reform is difficul in developing countries
three propositions (2)
  • Governments are significantly larger than in the
    past
  • This is the result of modern ideological
    approaches to development, as well as the
    improved capacity of populations to articulate
    political demands.
  • This has led to large civil services, often
    characterized by public welfare employment,
    whereby public jobs are provided to a large part
    of the population as a means of ensuring their
    political support.
  • It has proven very difficult to reduce such high
    levels of employment, while these have led to
    fiscal crisis and personnel performance problems.
  • Many of these large civil services have emerged
    as strong interest groups capable of challenging
    reform efforts.

12
What next? 1. Changing the mindset
  • Recognize reform failures more openly.
  • Develop a more balanced view of the relative
    advantages and disadvantages of merit and
    patronage systems.
  • Incorporate politics into analysis and solutions,
    rather than ignoring or denying it.
  • Avoid the merit trap half-finished merit
    reforms create a political and fiscal burden, but
    do little for performance.
  • Rethink the issue of lifetime tenure for civil
    servants.
  • Assemble better evidence history, politics, and
    contemporary cases of successful reform.

13
What next? 2. Alternative reform approaches
outside the public administration
  • The long-term solution economic and political
    development.
  • Treat excess employment (public welfare
    employment) as a social-security problem.
  • Find alternative methods of funding politics?

14
What next? 3. Selective reform approaches inside
the public administration
  • Hybrid senior appointments enlarge the scope for
    patronage employment at senior levels, but apply
    merit rules and controls.
  • Brazil as an example.
  • Agency graduation key agencies graduate within
    a universal set of merit and modernization rules.
  • Enclaves key agencies are modernized within an
    ad hoc set of merit and modernization rules.

15
Brazils federal civil service some lessons from
success
16
Brazil mixing civil service and political
appointments
  • The Career system
  • Has rigorous merit entry, strong esprit de corps.
  • Favors elite careers in key ministries. (e.g.
    tax administration, public finances, audit,
    trade).
  • Has weak performance/efficiency incentives.
  • Political appointments (DAS)
  • System has legislated ceiling on numbers and
    covers six levels below Minister.
  • Ministries propose and Presidency vets.
  • No tenure, no pension.
  • Permanent civil servants can become DAS, then
    return to old jobs.
  • At top 3 levels half of DAS are civil service,
    half are private.
  • Patronage politics at the Federal level is
    limited.

17
Brazilian reform a long and painful process
  • Civil-service regime created as a rigid Weberian
    system in 1930s.
  • Dilution of rigid hierarchy from 1967 onwards
    (military government) in favor of
    decentralization to autonomous agencies for
    greater managerial flexibility.
  • This led to perceived abuses, loss of central
    control.
  • Hence new rigidities in 1988 Constitution (return
    to civilian rule)
  • Extension of tenure and pension obligations.
  • 1995 onwards Cardoso government rebuilds the
    civil service
  • selective development of specific careers
  • measures to ensure a strong regime of political
    appointments.
  • 1995-98 Cardoso governments attempt to
    introduce executive agencies
  • Proposal to remove tenure from public employees
    in Executive Agencies.
  • Limited results due to perceptions of loss of
    central fiscal control, public unions resistance
    to proposed changes in labor regime.

18
Brazil some conclusions
  • Brazil is well served today by competent, honest,
    and accountable public servants.
  • Professionalization (capacity building
    attaining political independence) has been a long
    process (70 years), and is still not yet over.
  • Brazil has a large reservoir of capable people
  • Changing rules was not enough - continuity and
    competence
  • 1930s to 1980s the authoritarian developmental
    state pushed professionalization.
  • Since 1988 growth of popular demand for honest
    and effective civil servants.
  • The importance of competent public organizations.
  • A sensible approach to mixing merit and politics
  • A hybrid and deep system of political
    appointments.
  • Selective approach to Careers.
  • There is a constant, never-fully-resolved tension
    of political protection versus efficiency.
  • The bad rigidities (the merit trap) tenure
    combined with the pay/pension trap.
  • The more bearable rigidities weak incentives for
    efficiency.

19
Table 1 Comparing Civil-Service Systems
Management Principles
Patronage system (traditional) Patronage system (modern) Merit system New-Public-Management options
Entrance criteria Based on loyalty/affinities and, to a varying extent, merit. Informally based on loyalty/affinities, formally on merit criteria (see merit column) Competitive, transparent process open to all citizens.
Tenure and relation to political principals Tenure last no longer than the political principals term in office. Most appointments on political/ welfare grounds. Lifetime tenure, with removal only through due process. Lifetime tenure, with removal only through due process, protects political neutrality.
Remuneration Less rigid pay structure. Sometimes political contributions from pay, or political services, are required. Formal pay structures undermined by variety of allowances, supplements, etc. Political contributions and services often required. Relatively rigid pay structure based largely on rank (rather than work done) sometimes back-loading of rewards (e.g. Japan). Pay structure based on work done, with some element of reward for performance.
Position classification Same as merit system. Positions are established centrally and classified according to rank.
Lateral entry points (internal or external labor market) There are often impediments to external lateral entry at senior grades there are few points of entry, with most entering at a young age and most senior positions filled by promotion. Impediments to external entry are loosened, especially at more senior levels.
Senior appointments Many countries have flexible approaches to political appointments. The amount and depth of political (as opposed to merit) appointments is limited in most OECD systems. US, notably, allows large numbers of political appointments. Senior posts are subject to contractual (performance) conditions and tenure is removed
Management Management is centralized, often with an independent body managing appointments. Decentralization of management.
20
Table 2 Comparing Civil-Ser ice Systems the
External Environment
Patronage system (traditional) Patronage system (modern) Merit system New-Public-Management options
Political arrangements and the civil-service system Spoils systems fund politics (by rewarding for political loyalty, services) or affinity systems (kin, elites, etc.). Traditional spoils systems can be formal (codified) systems. Modern spoils systems are informal, hidden behind formal merit systems. Informal patronage politics are based on spoils systems, affinity systems, or public-welfare-employment policies (government as employer-of-last-resort). Merit systems arise under mature democracies with checks and balances and where political parties are funded independently of civil-service spoils. Merit civil services protect their privileges, acquire a corporate identity, and become an interest group. A merit system, by protecting civil servants from politicians, promotes credible commitment, but at the risk of shirking and inefficiency. NPM options have mostly been applied where merit systems are entrenched, not to change them fundamentally, but to modify them partially. Regimes more akin to private-sector personnel systems have been applied in non-core agencies (e,g, executive agencies), while core agencies have retained most elements of a merit system. NPM options seek to bring back accountability to politicians and promote efficiency, but at the risk of politicization.
Labor-market conditions and the civil-service system Scarcity of modern-sector jobs. Poorly functioning labor markets, and scarcities of qualified people. Well-functioning labor markets, but many civil services function as internal labor markets, insulated from the national market.
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