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Title: HIS3406 Lecture Notes on Henry III and the Emergence of Parliament by Fred Cheung


1
HIS3406 Lecture Notes on Henry III and the
Emergence of Parliament (by Fred Cheung)
2
  • The Angevin (Plantagenet) Kings
  • Henry II (Father of the English Common Law), r.
    1154-1189
  • Richard I (the Lion-Hearted), r. 1189-1199
  • John (the Lackland), r. 1199-1216
  • Henry III, r. 1216-1272
  • Edward I, r. 1272-1307
  • Edward II, r. 1307-1327
  • Edward III, r. 1327-1377
  • Richard II, r. 1377-1399

3
  • Main References
  • Hollister, The Making of England, 257-285
  • Kenneth Mackenzie, The English Parliament.
    (London Penguin, 1962), pp. 9-62
  • David A. Carpenter, The Minority of Henry III.
    (London, 1990)
  • Nicholas Vincent, Peter des Roches An Alien in
    English Politics, 1205-1238. (Cambridge, 1996)
  • Robert C. Stacey, Politics, Policy, and Finance
    under Henry III, 1216-1245. (Oxford, 1987)
  • John R. Maddicott, Simon de Montfort.
    (Cambridge, 1994)

4
  • When King John died in October 1216, his heir was
    his nine-year-old son Henry, thus, Henry III (r.
    1216-1272). Meanwhile, Prince Louis, son of King
    Philip of France, declared himself to be the
    rightful king of England. By October 1216,
    Prince Louis and the rebels controlled most of
    northern and southeastern England, including the
    city of London. According to Hollister, the
    young king Henry IIIs support lay mainly in the
    midlands and the west two great royalist lords,
    William the Marshal, earl of Pembroke, and
    Ranulf, earl of Chester, controlled between them
    the marshes of Wales

5
  • These men, most of them were born in the old
    Angevin heartland of Anjou and the Touraine, had
    lost everything they had on the continent when
    the Angevin Empire collapsed. Their loyalty to
    King John had won them a new place in England,
    For these foreign captains and castellans, the
    civil war was a life-or-death struggle to retain
    the place they had won for themselves in England.
    the prospect that the royalists could defeat
    Prince Louis and the rebels by military force
    appeared remote. The old king Johns death was
    in that respect a blessing, because it gave his
    supporters a chance to try to end the civil war
    through a politically negotiated settlement.

6
  • In 1215, Magna Carta had been an attempt at peace
    that had produced a war. In November 1216,
    however, the new kings supporters, led by
    William the Marshal and the papal legate Gaula,
    issued a revised version of the Great Charter as
    a foundation upon which negotiations between the
    royalists and the rebels might be reopened.
    the war dragged on until the spring of 1217, when
    it ended with a crushing and wholly improbable
    military victory by the royalists over the rebels
    at the battle of Lincoln. and so, when the
    charter was reissued again in 1217 in its final
    form, it contained only a few, relatively minor
    alterations from the 1216 version. With only
    minor modifications thereafter, it was the 1217
    version of Magna Carta that thus became the law
    of the land.

7
  • From 1216 until his death in 1219, the greatest
    of these men was the aged earl William he
    Marshal, whose service to the Angevin cause dated
    back to his days as a landless household knight
    during the 1160s. Under the Marshal, Hubert
    de Burgh continued as justiciar, an office he had
    held since 1215. Peter des Roches, bishop of
    Winchester continued as one of the barons of
    the exchequer, but now became the young kings
    personal guardian also.

8
  • After the Marshals death in 1219, however, a
    factional struggle for control of the young
    kings court quickly erupted between Hubert de
    Burgh and Peter des Roches. Around des Roches
    were gathered most of the old kings foreign
    military captains and castellans, as well as Earl
    Ranulf of Chester and a number of other barons
    and knights. As justiciar, however, de Burgh
    controlled both the exchequer and the judiciary,
    and he also had the support of the English
    bishops, led by Archbishop Stephen Langton. In
    the ensuing struggles over offices and property,
    de Burghs advantages as justiciar were decisive.
    By the end of 1224, de Burgh was in undisputed
    control of the government, and des Roches had
    lost his position at court.

9
  • In January 1227, nineteen-year-old King Henry
    brought his long minority to an end by declaring
    himself of full age. By 1230, however, the
    young kings enthusiasm for de Burgh was waning.
  • King Henry III would like to recover Poitou, at
    least, and insisted in raging another war while
    de Burgh regarded Normandy and Anjou as
    irrecoverable, and Poitou as ungovernable.
  • In 1230, Henry III returned home bankrupt, ill,
    and humiliated, having succeeded only in
    strengthening his control over Gascony,

10
  • On the other hand, Peter des Roches returned to
    England in 1231 and he persuaded King Henry III
    that the financial and military failures of the
    past few years should be the responsibility of de
    Burgh.
  • In 1232, Henry III elevated Peter des Roches.
    By summer, des Roches and his nephew Peter des
    Rivallis had begun a sweeping consolidation of
    the kings financial administration into their
    own hands. De Burghs own dismissal from the
    court quickly followed. Des Roches now began a
    thoroughgoing campaign to restore his own
    followers to the offices and lands they had lost
    in 1223-1224.

11
  • De Burghs supporters were systematically hounded
    from office. Their lands were confiscated,
  • Rumors began to fly that des Roches was
    encouraging the king to adopt a whole series of
    dangerous ideas about kingship, telling him, for
    example, that a king could not be bound to the
    law

12
  • Potentially, such actions were a threat to the
    property and liberty of every English landholder.
    But they were particularly offensive to the
    English bishops, who by the summer of 1233 were
    united in their opposition to des Rochess
    regime. These actions were also strongly opposed
    by the group of professional royal judges that
    had taken shape during the minority. We can
    arrive at some sense of thee judges political
    views during this period from a systematic legal
    treatise entitled On the Laws and Customs of
    England. the most famous of these early
    passages limiting the arbitrary exercise of the
    kings will is the following

13
  • The king has a superior, namely, God. Also the
    law by which he is made king. Also his court
    (curia), namely the earls and barons, because the
    earls (comites) are called, so to speak, the
    partners of the king, and he who has a partner
    has a master. And therefore if the king should
    be without a bridle, that is without law, the
    earls and barons ought to put a bridle on him,
    lest they, like the king, should be without a
    bridle. Bracton On the Laws and Customs of
    England, ed. And trans. Samuel E. Thorne, vol. II
    (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), p. 110.

14
  • No clearer statement of the supremacy of law and
    the sanctity of trial by peers can be imagined.
    ..
  • In the end, des Roches overreached himself. A
    breach between des Roches and Richard Earl
    Marshal (son and heir of William the Marshal) led
    to a rebellion The English bishops, led by
    Edmund Rich, the archbishop-elect of Canterbury,
    now united to threaten the king with
    excommunication from the Church if he did not
    dismiss des Roches and his party of foreigners
    from court. Behind the bishops threats lay
    their conviction that des Roches and his
    supporters, including the king, had betrayed
    their oaths to observe Magna Carta, an act of
    perjury for which excommunication was the
    appropriate remedy.

15
  • Bowing to the pressure, in April 1234 Henry
    reluctantly dismissed both des Roches and des
    Rivallis from court.
  • Between 1234 and 1236, Henry strove
    conscientiously to restore his subjects faith in
    his commitment to the Charters. ..

16
  • In 1215, Magna Carta had promised that No free
    man shall be taken or imprisoned or disseised or
    outlawed or exiled or in any way ruined, nor will
    we go or send against him, except by the lawful
    judgment of his peers or by the law of the land.
    That promise had been repeated, unaltered, in
    all subsequent versions of the Charter. It was
    particularly of the years between 1232 and
    1234, that established that promise, along with
    the rest of the provisions of Magna Carta, as the
    law of the land. never again would the very
    survival of the Charters be in doubt.

17
  • In 1236, Henry III was twenty-nine years old.
    He was respectably well-educated, he was usually
    amiable he was a man of artistic tastes and he
    was genuinely pious. But he was a poor judge
    of character he had no military ability
    whatsoever He did, however, have enormous
    ambitions. From 1227 until 1243, he worked
    steadily, though ineffectively, toward the
    recovery of Poitou. His goal was to become a
    figure in European politics

18
  • To promote this aim, Henry took steps to attract
    continental figures to his court. Among the
    first to arrive was Simon de Monfort In 1237,
    the dashing de Montfort wooed and won the kings
    widowed sister Eleanor, and de Montfort
    became a central military and diplomatic figure
    around Henrys court. Ultimately, he would
    emerge as the leader of the baronial forces that
    sought to rule England in the kings name between
    1258 and 1265. De Montfort was a man of great
    ability and even greater self-confidence. He had
    connections with many of the leading members of
    the Capetian nobility and with King Louis IX,
    from whom he held extensive lands in France. He
    was precisely the sort of man who Henry believed
    could help him to become a figure of
    European-wide significance.

19
  • In 1235, Henry took another step toward the
    realization of his continental ambitions by
    marrying his sister Isabella to Emperor Frederick
    II of Germany. In 1236, he took a further step
    in this direction by marrying Eleanor, the second
    daughter of the count of Provence. Elearnors
    eldest sister, Marguerite, was already the wife
    of King Louis IX of France. By this marriage,
    Henry and Louis thus became brothers-in-law,

20
  • As Henrys financial situation worsened during
    the 1250s, his local officials became more and
    more oppressive, not least because the king
    himself was pressing these men to pay larger and
    larger sums from the shires into his own hands.
    As the kings debts mounted, splits also
    began to develop within the circle of magnates at
    Henrys court. By the spring of 1258, two
    straight years of famine had reduced thousands of
    English peasants to near-starvation.

21
  • The stage was set for a political revolution, to
    which the beleaguered king was compelled to give
    his reluctant consent. In May 1258, King Henry
    met with his magnates in parliament at Oxford, to
    plead for their help in resolving his Sicilian
    debts. The magnates responded, however, by
    declaring that they would not consider any
    request for taxation until the government of the
    realm was reformed. Bowing to their demands,
    Henry agreed to allow a committee of twenty-four
    great men to appoint a new royal council of
    fifteen royal council of fifteen members, whose
    advice on all matters Henry agreed to follow.

22
  • A justiciar was appointed A chancellor and a
    treasurer were also appointed. All three of
    these great officers were to answer annually for
    their conduct in their office to the royal
    council. The council, in turn, was to be
    supervised by three regularly scheduled meetings
    per year of the magnates in parliament.
    Henrys authority to make decisions on his own,
    was now ended. Instead, he agreed to act only
    with the consent and approval of the Council of
    Fifteen However, by 1261, the councilors
    were increasingly divided amongst themselves. In
    1262, Henry III, finding his opponents now
    hopelessly divided, abolished the Provisions of
    Oxford altogether.

23
  • Simon de Montfort had been one of the powers
    behind the Provisions of Oxford in 1258 and had
    also served as a member of the Council of
    Fifteen. When King Henry rescinded the
    Provisions in 1262, Simon left England In the
    spring of 1263, however, he returned to England
    to lead a powerful faction of disaffected
    magnates drawn heavily from amongst the barons
    and knights of the Welsh march. De Montfort and
    his partisans attacked the estates of those they
    blamed for having betrayed the Provisions,

24
  • By the end of 1263, a destructive and dangerous
    stalemate had been reached between the kings
    forces and those of de Montfort. The two sides
    thereupon agreed to submit their dispute to the
    arbitration of King Louis IX of France.
    Louis arbitration verdict, known as the Mise
    of Amiens (1264), constituted a ringing
    denunciation of the baronial cause
  • Henrys opponents now took up arms in a direct
    rebellion against the king.

25
  • As the months went by, de Montforts party
    steadily eroded. .. In August 1265, at the
    battle of Evesham, Edward Henry IIIs eldest son
    and heir routed Simon de Montforts army. Simon
    himself was slain and Henry III resumed his
    authority .. but his power passed more and more
    into the hands of his able son and heir Edward.
    Edward had already won the confidence of his
    new subjects they were anxious now to see
    whether he deserved it.

26
  • The word parliament was used in a variety of
    contexts during the High Middle Ages to refer to
    meetings of various kinds at which views were
    exchanged or expressed --- in short, a parley.

27
  • Parliaments were royal assembles, summoned by the
    king to meet in his presence. The kings
    council, with its increasingly professional
    expertise, functioned as the vital core of every
    parliament and was responsible for initiating and
    transacting most of its business. From the
    1250s on, English parliaments also frequently
    included representatives of the towns, the
    shires, and sometimes the lower clergy. As a
    result, English parliaments inevitably had an
    important political and consultative aspect that
    one does not always find elsewhere. In
    retrospective, the presence of these
    representative elements, especially when taxation
    was to be discussed, was a constitutional
    development of enormous significance.

28
  • Ultimately, Parliaments role in approving
    extraordinary taxes would become the key to its
    power,
  • Most of the parliaments of the age were summoned
    on royal initiative for the purpose of doing the
    kings business, whether by granting him an aid,
    hearing a judicial case, or otherwise supporting
    his policies. Rather than limiting the monarchy,
    they served it. the parliamentary idea
    emerged in thirteenth century England because the
    monarchy --- particularly under Edward I ---
    regarded parliaments as useful instruments of
    royal policy. (Hollister, The Making of England,
    pp. 259-284).

29
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