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URC Informal Seminar The Impact of Migration on Housing and Local Services in London Christine White

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Title: URC Informal Seminar The Impact of Migration on Housing and Local Services in London Christine White


1
URC Informal SeminarThe Impact of Migration on
Housing and Local Services in LondonChristine
WhiteheadDepartment of EconomicsMonday 14
January 2008
  • Based on work by Ian Gordon, Tony Travers and
    Christine Whitehead

2
National Growth in Migration London different
  • Gross International Migration 1985-2005 (000s)

3
Contrasting Patterns by Area of Origin
  • High wage countries (EU, USA, Old Commonwealth,
    Japan / Korea)
  • predominantly white
  • 38 of recent inflow but only 17 of stock growth
    post-1986
  • Large temporary element (1996 entry down 50
    between 1997 and 2005)
  • Sensitive to cyclical developments in London
    economy
  • Asylum countries (from where asylum seekers are a
    large proportion of the UK inflow)
  • ethnically mixed
  • 12 of recent inflow but 22 of stock growth
    post-1986
  • Delays in entering mainstream housing/labour
    markets and surveys
  • Smaller temporary element (1995 entry down 37
    between 1997 and 2005)
  • Flows driven by push factors, plus perceptions of
    control tightness
  • Other low wage origins (developing and transition
    countries)
  • also ethnically mixed
  • 51 of recent inflow but 62 of stock growth
    post-1986
  • Small temporary element (1996 entry down 16
    between 1997 and 2005)
  • Not evidently sensitive to state of the London
    economy
  • A8 countries (inc. Poland) as a sub-set but not
    particularly concentrated in London
  • All three groups show more education than the
    average Londoner but comparable with similarly
    young natives

4
Immediate Impacts on Job Market
  • all types lower skilled jobs than apparent
    skills
  • distinguish training from (lack of) networks
    constrained opportunities discrimination
  • lower end of market signs that wages held down

5
Long Term Impacts on London Population Structure
  • These differ from the immediate impact for three
    reasons
  • The likelihood of some migrants returning or
    moving on
  • Flows of temporary migrants generate a one-off
    increase (and change population composition) but
    do not produce continuing growth
  • Flows of permanent migrants (only) produce
    continuing growth
  • Displacement effects on other Londoners
  • May include a white/established household
    flight element
  • But driven by growing gap between space demands
    and availability
  • Effect is nearer 1 for two rather than 1 for 1
    because (effective) space demands of new
    immigrants are less than of average Londoner
  • If this doesnt persist then the impact on London
    population would be a step increase, not
    continuing growth
  • Child-bearing by a younger migrant population
    (20-44) peaking 10 years after arrival

6
Domestic Flows to/from London Mirror
International Flows
7
Effects on Household Numbers and Housing Demand
  • The number of households in London is projected
    to increase by between 30,000 and 35,000 each
    year until 2026
  • Almost two thirds of this total is linked to
    international inmigration even though the
    majority of housing demand from net inmigration
    is offset by leakages to the rest of the country
  • Projected additional supply cannot keep pace with
    the expansion in the number of households -
    currently still below 20,000 per annum although
    aiming to rise to 30,000 - so housing pressures
    are expected to continue to increase
  • However, migrant households tend to make fewer
    demands on the available housing than equivalent
    indigenous households

8
Why less impact?
  • New migrants form fewer households than their
    local counterparts
  • They also consume less housing taking account of
    incomes and household type
  • Moreover they are far more likely to live in
    privately rented accommodation
  • where average densities are higher
  • Over time housing demands tend towards those of
    the indigenous population
  • so overall impact on housing demand depends on
    how long migrants stay in the country
  • if there is significant turnover their demands
    remain lower
  • if they stay their demands are very similar to
    the average

9
Ratios of Household Reference Persons to Total
Private Household Population England 2002 to
2005
10
Tenure Mix of London Residents by Migration,
Origin and Time in the UK
11
Impact on house prices
  • Housing demand over the last few years has been
    very buoyant
  • but this is not just because of inmigration.
  • much of the demand comes from increasing incomes
    and from growing investment demand both
    corporate and individual
  • including from those not domiciled in the UK
  • Including investment in buy to Let in part an
    outcome ofhealthy migrant market
  • As a result house prices have been rising faster
    than in the rest of the country.
  • the user cost of owner-occupation has increased
    by more than 150
  • putting owner-occupation out of the reach of many
    younger and lower income households

12
Mix- adjusted house prices 1999-2006
13
Impact on the private rented sector
  • Much of the increased demand from migrants goes
    into the private rented sector
  • but rents have not been rising very rapidly,
    especially not in the East and South East of the
    capital.
  • Partly an outcome of increasing supply from Buy
    to Let and other investors.
  • also probably reflects higher densities and
    perhaps lower quality in part of the market
  • though no detailed evidence on this except at the
    very bottom of the market

14
Rents and user costs of housing, London 1996 -
2005
15
Migration and the social rented sector
  • Since 2000 asylum seekers and refugees who
    require assistance with their accommodation are
    now initially housed outside the capital so put
    no direct pressure on the housing system
  • The vast majority of other migrants would not be
    classified as in priority need so would be
    unlikely to be eligible for social housing. Even
    if they were classified as homeless they would
    probably be housed in temporary accommodation
    outside the capital.

16
Migration and the social rented sector (2)
  • However over time the situation changes - and to
    the extent that migrants remain on low incomes
    and are poorly housed they may well become
    eligible for social housing although their
    chances of getting it are still constrained by
    lack of supply
  • Inmigrant households who came to London more than
    3 years ago from asylum and other poor countries
    are disproportionately in the social sector
  • The needs of poorer imigrant households are
    expected to increase over the next decade to
    the point where one GLA estimate suggests that up
    to 70 of identified needs for additional social
    housing will come from migrants
  • Competition for housing is seen as one of the
    most important areas of tension between
    established households and new entrants whether
    they be from abroad or elsewhere in the country

17
Bringing the housing picture together
  • The initial impact of a migrant household is less
    than that of an established household
  • Migrant households make better use of the
    existing stock and the private rented sector is
    coping reasonably well
  • House price rises are partly the result of demand
    from migrants but there are many other factors
    latterly particularly international and Buy to
    Let investment demand
  • The most negative effects are on social housing
    requirements and the tensions generated by
    competition for the very limited supply of social
    housing

18
Migrants use of public services
  • The majority of international inmigrants
    especially those who stay short periods use
    relatively fewer public services than indigenous
    households with the same attributes and help to
    make areas with high concentrations of particular
    groups more diverse
  • There are however additional pressures from the
    more vulnerable groups
  • costs associated with high turnover and lack of
    knowledge of system costs of translation large
    families education the very vulnerable
  • and costs of public services in London have
    increased as a result
  • tensions show where services in short supply
    notably housing problem perceived as incomers
    (and sometimes ethnicity) rather than migration
    as such?
  • Central government often does not fully
    underwrite the costs of these additional services
  • Puts further pressure on local authorities and
    social cohesion.
  • This situation could worsen if there is a long
    term mismatch between financial resources and
    spending needs

19
Conclusions
  • London has experienced a step change in
    international migration which looks set to
    continue even if the economy slows down
  • The make up of the migrant population is
    particularly important especially in terms of
    length of stay (special case of A8s?)
  • Inmigration appear to have put less upward
    pressure on private rents than might be expected
  • The pressures on house prices are broader
    income growth investment as well as household
    numbers migrants relevant but less demand than
    equivalent indigenous households
  • The short term impact on social housing in London
    very limited but longer term needs could be a
    large part of future requirements especially
    for family accommodation (also education)
  • Overall London is becoming much more diverse
  • this inherently generates some social tensions,
    notably because of competition for scarce public
    services
  • but at the same time it is helping to break up
    existing concentrations of particular minorities
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