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Science, Technology and Culpability: Some Hypotheses about Why the Disadvantaged Benefit Less from D

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Title: Science, Technology and Culpability: Some Hypotheses about Why the Disadvantaged Benefit Less from D


1
Science, Technology and Culpability Some
Hypotheses about Why the Disadvantaged Benefit
Less from Discovery and Innovation
  • Barry Bozeman
  • School of Public Policy
  • Georgia Tech
  • Presentation prepared for the Annual Research
    Conference of the Association for Public Policy
    Analysis and Management, Washington, D.C.,
    November, 2003

2
Acknowledgements
  • Funding Georgia Institute of Technology
    Sub-Contact for W.K. Kellogg Foundation Grant No.
    P0099263 entitled, ST Policy and Social Capital
    Project Proposal for W.K. Kellogg Foundation
  • People Paul Hirsch, Georgia Tech Dan Sarewitz,
    Columbia University

3
From the Kellogg Proposal
  • Statement of Purpose
  • Access to scientific knowledge and technological
    tools enhances social capital, but such access is
    unequal. The purpose of the research is to
    develop useful knowledge about the factors
    affecting the distributional impacts of ST. The
    focus is on factors internal to science and
    technology knowledge production processes rather
    than the social factors that mitigate
    distributional impacts (e.g., income inequities
    lack of universal health care).

4
The Conundrum
  • Chief intellectual challenge to the CSPO
    enterprise
  • If we set aside the structural inequalities that
    flow from the U.S. economy, are there any reasons
    why poor people would be disadvantaged by ST

5
The Meta-Explanation 1 ST as the Engine of the
Economy
  • The notion of science as engine of economic
    growth gained an overwhelming grip on the public
    imagination in the U.S in the postwar era
    (Poggi, 1978).
  • power of science demonstrated through the atomic
    bomb and the Manhattan Project and pursuit of
    applications
  • the new-found confidence in managing the economy
    through Keynesian ideas
  • the establishment in the U.S. large corporate
    science in industry and government
  • the eager assumption of the mantel of world
    leadership thrust on the U.S.
  • Econometric evidence formidable (e.g. Griliches,
    1995 Jones, 1995 Denison, 1962 Solow, 1957
    BLS, 1989- Contribution of ST 30 (depending
    upon the particular combination of unrealistic
    assumptions one wishes to embrace)

6
Governing Tools
  • Market Failure
  • Linear Model of Innovation
  • Production Function Logic
  • Emphasis on Property Rights
  • Theory of the Firm and, generally, Economic
    Individualism

7
The Meta-Explanation 2 Science as the Free
Market of Ideas
  • Bush, not Kilgore and control by scientific
    elites
  • Polanyis Republic of Science institutionalized
  • Proposal pressure at NSF
  • Rotators in science bureaucracy
  • Anti-planning, management ideology
  • Elevation of peer review
  • Clientele capture, scientists governing scientists

8
Maldistribution and the Internal Structure of
ST (Science as the Free Market of Ideas)
9
Science as the Free Market of Ideas in the
Context of ST as the Engine of Economic Growth
10
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12
Table 1.1. Propositions Related to ST Norms and
Recruitment
13
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16
Sample 434 faculty researchers in university
research centers (ERCs and STCs)
17
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19
Capacity- Impact
Heart Valve
Internet
Individual Impact
Personal Computer
Social Impact
MP3 Player
Cinema
Hedonic Impact
Fig. One ST Social Impact Model
20
Biological
Capacity- Impact
Political
Opportunity -
Individual Impact
Basic Needs -
Social Impact
Basic Needs
Consumption Impact
Opportunity
Political -
Fig. Two Expanded ST Social Impact Model
Biological -
21
More Information
  • www.rvm.gatech.edu
  • B. Bozeman and Sarewitz, Public Values and
    Public Failure in U.S. Science Policy
  • B. Bozeman and P. Hirsch, Science, Technology
    and the Distribution of Outcomes Alternative
    Theories of the Handicapper General
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