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Title: Speaking out on Gender: Reflections on Womens Advancement in the STEM Disciplines


1
Speaking out on Gender Reflections on Womens
Advancement in the STEM Disciplines
  • Faye Linda Wachs, Cal Poly Pomona
  • Jill Nemiro, Cal Poly Pomona

2
  • In 2005, Caltechs entire chemical engineering
    doctoral class was female (all six of them)
    (Reitman, 2005)
  • Will these women become faculty, and if so, what
    can they expect to find? Will they advance at
    rates similar to comparable male counterparts?
    Will academia prove to be an attractive option
    compared to industry?

3
Undergraduate STEM Degrees
  • Women are closing the gender gap at the lower
    levels of education, but are not moving into
    positions of authority in equal numbers,
    especially in the STEM disciplines.
  • Women earn 58 of undergraduate degrees in life
    sciences (biology, chemistry, geology), 47 of
    math degrees, and 40 of degrees in physical
    sciences.
  • Still, only 19 of undergraduate degrees in
    engineering are earned by women (NSF, 2000).

4
Graduate Degrees
  • For doctoral degrees, women earn over half of
    those awarded overall (Wilson, 2004).
  • In 2003, in all STEM (Science, Technology,
    Engineering and Math) disciplines, women earned
    37.5 of doctoral degrees, but only 17 of
    engineering and 26.5 of mathematics doctorates
    go to women (NSF, 2006).
  • Physical science - 26.9 of doctoral degrees went
    to women), and only about a third of doctoral
    degrees awarded in Earth, atmospheric and ocean
    sciences, and agricultural sciences go to women.
    By contrast women receive the majority of
    doctoral degrees in psychology (68.1), sociology
    (59.0) anthropology (61.0) and Area and ethnic
    studies (68.9) (NSF, 2006).

5
Pipeline Problems
  • The Pipeline explanation is the most common one
    given for the shortage of women in STEM
    disciplines. The pipeline explanation argues
    that women in agriculture, engineering and the
    physical sciences have thus far failed to achieve
    the critical mass required to enact institutional
    change (Kulis, Sicotte, and Collins, 2002
    Etzkowitz et al., 1994).
  • Fails to acknowledge a need to unclog the pipes
  • Fails to account for how the pipes became
    clogged.
  • Tends to put the onus on women for failing to
    enter the pipeline regardless of barriers.

6
Why Pipeline Explanations are Insufficient
  • Under-representation of women relative to number
    of earned doctorates
  • Clustering of women in specific fields
  • Climate of Discrimination
  • Parity tends to filter up
  • Income Inequity makes academia less appealing to
    women

7
Women in the STEM disciplines are
under-represented relative to the proportion of
women who earn doctorate degrees in many fields.
  • While 17 of doctoral degrees in awarded in
    Engineering in 2003 went to women (NSF, 2006),
    only 9.5 of full time faculty and instructional
    staff in Engineering are women (DOE, 2004).
  • While 42.9 of Science PhDs are women (NSF,
    2006), only 22.9 of science faculty are female
    (DOE, 2004).
  • Women with doctorates are approximately three
    times more likely to be underemployed than their
    male colleagues (NSF, 1999).
  • Women are even more under-represented as tenured
    professors relative to their representation in
    the labor pool (Kulis, Sciotte, and Collins,
    2002).

8
  • Male assistant professors are more likely to earn
    tenure, and be named full professor, than their
    female counterparts (Wilson, 2004).
  • In fields in which representation of women is
    close to parity, women are less likely to occupy
    tenure track lines (Kulis, Sciotte, and Collins,
    2002).
  • This is true even in humanities disciplines, such
    as history, where only 18 of full professors are
    female, despite almost 40 of assistant
    professors being female by 1988 (Jaschik, 2005).

9
Women tend to clustered in specific fields in the
life sciences, social sciences and psychology
(Kulis, Sciotte, and Collins, 2002 NSF, 1998).
  • While some have argued this clustering reflects
    innate abilities, it is far more likely that a
    combination of social structural variables
    account for such differences.
  • Further, while blatant discrimination appears
    less frequently, more subtle forms of bias limit
    womens access to top institutions (Wilson,
    2004).
  • Lack of mentoring, subtle forms of discrimination

10
Climate of Discrimination
  • MIT (1999) reported that gender had probably
    caused their professional lives to differ
    significantly from those of their male
    colleagues. (P.5)
  • Vast disparity in how women are treated
    department to department- While the new forms of
    discrimination were difficult to quantify as the
    report states, Once you get it, it seems
    almost obvious. (MIT, 1999, p.11).
  • Interestingly, dissatisfaction, marginalization
    and exclusion appeared more as women progressed
    in their careers.
  • Valian (2004) suggests that put simply, men have
    an easier time accumulating advantages than
    women. Over time, they are advantaged in the rtp
    process. Ie. Teaching small specialty courses
    versus large intro sections.

11
Parity appears to filter up.
  • As women make inroads, it is at the least
    prestigious institutions and in the lowest level
    positions.
  • In 2001-2, while 15 of full professors, 31.2 of
    associate professors, and 41.5 of assistant
    professors are women at research level
    universities, at community colleges, 37.3 of
    full professors, 49.1 of associate professors,
    and 54.8 of assistant professors are female
    (Jacobson, 2004).
  • The greater the prestige of the University, the
    fewer women it is likely to employ as faculty.
    The higher one goes within each university, the
    fewer women appear as well.

12
Pay Gap By Gender
  • Female assistant professors teaching at doctoral
    degree granting institutions earn 5,687 less
    annually than their male colleagues.
  • Gap in pay actually increased by about 1,000
    from ten years ago when calculated in todays
    dollars (Wilson, 2004).
  • The pay gap holds steady as women advance.
  • Median earnings of assistant professors by gender
    was approximately 6,000 (With men earning 1.1
    times as much as women).
  • Associates lost about 6000 for being female with
    men earning about 1.08 times what women earn.
  • Full professor level - about 15,000 gap with men
    earning 1.15 times their female counterparts.
  • The difference for administrators was 45,000
    (with men earning 1.6 times what women earn).

13
Explaining the Pay Gap
  • Discrimination- parity filters up-
  • Within the sciences, natural sciences, where
    women have come the closest to achieving equity,
    are the lowest paid of the group (DOE, 2004).
  • Women are also more likely to teach at community
    colleges and teaching universities, places where
    the pay is usually lower.
  • Further, mentoring is crucial for salary and
    benefit negotiation and women are less likely to
    have meaningful mentors, leaving them
    disadvantaged in this process (Leggon, 2006).

14
Work Family Conflict
  • The NSF reports that women in academia in the
    STEM disciplines are more likely to be employed
    in non-tenured positions, take longer to achieve
    tenure and are less likely to earn tenure,
    especially if they have children prior to earning
    tenure (NSF, 2004).
  • 1) The real demands of family and community are
    more salient for women than men
  • 2) Perceptions of womens greater responsibility
    for family lead to a subtle form of mommy
    tracking.

15
Women have greater responsibility for Household
Labor
  • Women continue to be responsible for a
    disproportionate amount of home and childcare
    relative to their male counterparts.
  • Though women do slightly less and men do slightly
    more than in the past, women still do more than
    double the housework and childcare than male
    partners (Coltrane, 2000).

16
Stay at Home Spouse
  • Women were far less likely than men to have a
    full time homemaker or part-time worker as
    spouse.
  • Women with doctorates in STEM disciplines were
    reported to be twice as likely as their male
    counterparts to have employed spouses.
  • Only 13 of married females with STEM doctorates
    had unemployed spouses, while 38 of male STEM
    discipline doctorate holders had spouses who were
    not employed outside the home (NSF, 2004b).

17
Mommy Tracking
  • Women as mothers and potential mothers face bias
    and discrimination in the workplace (Cummins,
    2005).
  • Female scholars productivity assumed to be
  • Simple strategies, such as a tenure-clock-stop
    policies for people taking maternity or paternity
    leave were employed by only 32 of universities
    (Sullivan, Hollenshead Smith, 2005).
  • Women without children face mommy tracking and
    that gender schemas result in women having
    different, feminized expectations for service
    foisted upon them (Cummins, 2005).

18
Hierarchy, Gender and Power
  • One response was a celebration of the number of
    women who have opted out of top level research
    careers for community colleges or teaching
    centered universities.
  • Cited as reflecting improved teaching and as
    being a way for female academics to find
    balance.
  • It is extremely disturbing that the response to
    the speed up in work and the second shift for
    women, is to opt out of competitive research
    environments for more marginalized, but
    emotionally fulfilling work.
  • It is equally disturbing to have the
    normalization of devalued feminized labor
  • Two tiered system of teaching PhDs, and research
    PhDs.
  • Did the Second Wave even happen?

19
Methods- Focus Groups
  • Conducted six 2 hour focus groups during the
    Fall 2004 and Winter 2005 Quarters.
  • 1) six tenured female faculty in the STEM
    disciplines 2) six new tenure track female
    faculty in the STEM disciplines 3) seven female
    tenure track faculty in the STEM disciplines who
    were approaching their tenure review 4) 9 chairs
    of programs in STEM disciplines 5) five female
    chairs from a range of disciplines and 6) Five
    Bigwigs- high ranking female administrators.
  • Held on campus.
  • Participants were offered a box lunch as
    compensation.
  • Data was aggregated and identifying markers have
    been deliberately excluded or altered to protect
    the identity of the participants.

20
Three Key Areas of Analysis
  • The Speed Up
  • Work Family Conflict and Solutions
  • Climate as Key Determinant of Satisfaction

21
Workload
  • Across the board, administrators and faculty
    agreed that junior faculty were asked to do more
    research and service, with no reduction in
    teaching.

22
  • Big Wig The work load is a problem. Its too
    heavy. For the junior faculty, we keep adding on
    responsibilities, but expect them to keep
    teaching as much.
  • Big Wig- Overall, we need to do something about
    the work load. Its just too much pressure. We
    are adding research pressure, but not reducing
    teaching, and theres more service. Theres not
    enough release time for people who have families,
    Its just not easy.
  • Faculty- The work load is increasing. Class
    size is increasing, theres less release time,
    theres no longer any research release time, all
    the reports we have to write take to much time.

23
Increasing Workload Means Tough Choices
  • Faculty- I can only do two out of three things
    well (teaching, research, service). I cannot do
    my research during the week. Just a little in
    short breaks I have from teaching. That leaves
    evenings and weekends for research. I am scared
    for research.

24
Representation
  • Because of the dearth of women in some fields, to
    provide representation (on search committees etc)
    the few female faculty had to do a
    disproportionate amount of service.
  • As one Big Wig put it, I think part of the
    problem is that when there are many fewer women,
    and you want to have female representation on al
    l the committees, then the women end up having to
    do more. Sometimes there was only one woman
    available, so shes on everything...
  • Much of the literature framed this as a
    responsibility. This is troubling as once again
    the onus is put on the marginalized to carve out
    a space for itself.
  • Time constraint that limits more valued
    activities.

25
Women Do the Scut Work
  • Advising- women did the disproportionate amount
    of student advising, regardless of the gender of
    the students.
  • Service and Reports- chairs noted that a
    disproportionate amount of department service was
    done by female faculty.
  • Chairs noted they knew women were more likely to
    volunteer, and to get the work done.
  • Cummins (2005) notes that women without children
    were often expected to do the mommy work of the
    department.
  • Feminized labor- Gender Schemas- Valian 2004 uses
    the concept of gender schemas to account for
    this. The culture of femininity makes
    volunteering to help seem more obligatory to
    women.

26
Like Family
  • As noted by Valian (2004), gender schemas come
    into play in the work place such that women take
    on additional unrecognized labor. This is
    normalized as a female attribute, undermining
    its status as work.
  • One Big Wig noted, I think women are more likely
    to see the department like family. They treat it
    like family, they invest in it. Her colleague
    added, And the students treat us that way too.
    They see us as more nurturing, as mothers, they
    come and tell us their problems. That workload
    alone cant be underestimated.

27
Missed Opportunities
  • The primary way that junior faculty deal with the
    increasing workload is to stop attending
    functions on campus, and to cut down on faculty
    development activities.
  • Negative affect on mentoring. Ironically, senior
    faculty and big wigs noted the critical
    importance of this type of networking for
    building campus relationships and networking.
  • Effective mentoring is eliminated by the time
    crunch.

28
  • Keim and Erikson (1998) reported the importance
    of interdisciplinary teaching groups as a source
    of support and of ideas for improvement, and our
    participants confirmed this, while lamenting
    their inability to continue participation.
  • While faculty reported that many such groups
    existed on campus, their participation was
    severely limited by increasing workloads.
  • Others noted that their research suffered from
    the lack of time to confer with colleagues and to
    find others with similar research interests in
    the region or even on campus.

29
  • Because chairs and administrators in our study
    reported that they believe women are easier to
    approach to fill in the gaps, women are more
    likely to end up doing work that may be valued by
    specific individuals at the university, but do
    little to improve the curriculum vitae.
  • This effectively also undercuts female faculty
    members ability to leave or to obtain other
    offers necessary to renegotiate salaries and
    support.

30
The Loss of Mentoring
  • While formal mentoring programs have met with
    limited success, acquiring a portfolio of
    mentors created through informal networks is
    critical to success in academia (de Janasz and
    Sullivan, 2004 Sabatier et. al, 2006 Sheridan
    et al, 2006). Our findings were consistant with
    such research.
  • While none of the faculty at any level had
    anything positive to report about formal
    mentoring programs, senior faculty and
    administrators reported that their most important
    mentoring experiences came through informal
    networks.

31
Solutions or Trickle Down Exploitation
  • One interesting solution proposed by the Big Wigs
    is to create seminars that involve students in
    faculty research.
  • While this would undoubtedly prove to be
    beneficial for students, it is also unpaid labor.
  • As resources disappear, student assistantships
    that would fairly compensate students for working
    on a research project are being replaced by
    unpaid labor in the form of units or practical
    coursework.
  • It also seems a bit disingenuous to turn students
    into a pool of uncompensated labor as their fees
    rise and the rewards for attaining a degree
    decline.

32
Family and Work
  • This speed up was particularly difficult for
    women with children. During the chairs focus
    group, one of the two female chairs had remained
    fairly quiet, until one of the other chairs
    remarked that he thought the speed up must be
    hard on women with children as they have two
    full time jobs. (Referring to teaching and
    research). Three she interjected wryly.

33
Work and Family
  • The NSF reports that for women, being married or
    having children reduces the likelihood of having
    a tenure track line, whereas, being married
    and/or having children does not similarly impact
    mens careers (NSF, 2004). The NSF similarly
    reports that having children later in ones
    career increased the likelihood of a woman
    earning tenure. This implies, having a family is
    incompatible with an academic career. On the
    other hand, Cummins (2005) noted that women with
    children actually outperformed women without
    children in the academic marketplace.

34
Wide Range of Accommodations
  • Accommodations for faculty ranged widely
    department to department.
  • Some departments worked with faculty to adjust
    schedules and provide a full quarter of maternity
    leave

35
Variation in Leave Policies and Climate
  • One faculty member recounted being by a former
    dean that she saw no reason the person could not
    be back at work three days after having given
    birth. Another recounted feeling she could not
    take the risk of having a family prior to tenure.
  • It depends on the chair. I had two kids and
    they wouldnt let me take the whole quarter off,
    I had to come back after six weeks and work as an
    advisor and they said I had to be there 8-5, but
    I talked to my chair and got that changed, but
    still 8-5.
  • Another asked for a reduction in service for a
    short period of time after having a baby and was
    denied it on the basis that all faculty must be
    treated equally. I felt this was a mistake...
    Not to consider my situation... It showed, we
    dont care about you.

36
  • Others reported a department that encouraged them
    to take maternity leave and worked with their
    schedules. For example, compressed schedules and
    maternity leave were made readily available to
    some. One was given the quarter off, and allowed
    to make up the remaining days by working on a
    report during the summer.

37
Administrative Support a Must
  • Currently, maternity leave is paid out of
    department funds. This places an undue burden on
    departments. A University policy and supporting
    funds could relieve the pressure from departments
    and make some more likely to adjust schedules for
    faculty.

38
Continued Support
  • One Junior faculty member noted the effect her
    long teaching days had on her family. (She was
    teaching a night class twice a week, meaning she
    often did not return home until 10 PM). One
    evening she returned home to find her
    pre-schooler sitting at the table with papers
    spread around her. When the faculty member
    inquired what her daughter was doing, the child
    stuck out her hand in a typical go away gesture
    and responded Dont bother me, Im grading
    papers.

39
What Continued Support Means
  • Day Care on Campus
  • More Services for faculty
  • Compressed Schedules, telecommuting, flexible
    meeting times

40
Benefits of Support
  • My department bent over backwards to accommodate
    me when I had my baby. They gave me a compressed
    work schedule, maternity leave. They made my
    schedule work for me. By accommodating me, I was
    happier and therefore more productive.
  • Flexibility was precisely what made academia
    appealing to them compared to the jobs in
    industry. For those in flexible departments, the
    lower pay of academia was worth the ability to
    work a schedule that better suited her needs.
    These findings are consistent with other studies
    as significant to worker satisfaction (Estes,
    2005).

41
Climate
  • Related to previous issues.
  • Satisfaction varied widely and seemed to hinge on
    the overall climate of the department.
  • Those in departments that got it. reported
    greater satisfaction than those in departments
    that did things the way they have always been
    done.

42
The Demise of the Good Old Boys Network
  • Long time faculty noted the demise of the good
    old boys network on campus, and the positive
    changes this has meant for them. (Womens
    Studies Books can move off the hidden bottom
    shelf)
  • Numerous specific incidences citing positive
    support of leadership when issues of gender
    discrimination came up were cited.
  • Administrative commitments to diversity are
    critical to changing Universities today (Wilson,
    2004).

43
Collegial Environment
  • Being in a department where one felt
    accommodated, valued and respected was critical.
    Faculty reported similar work loads, but those
    who worked in a positive climate department were
    far more satisfied.
  • Scheduling was key.

44
Change at Every Level
  • As noted by one administrator, The deans
    attitude, what they tolerate, filters down
    through leadership. Bilimoria et. al. (2006)
    suggest that the institutional leadership plays a
    significant role in climate, especially immediate
    superiors including college deans and department
    chairs. Faculty at all levels cited the support
    of administration as important to success in the
    RTP process and to job satisfaction.

45
  • Being empowered in decision making is crucial to
    a positive instrumental environment for female
    faculty (Callister, 2006).
  • Many faculty noted that their needs could not
    always be accommodated, but allowing them to be
    active participants in a negotiation process
    facilitated productivity. Faculty who had
    schedules that respected their needs, and whose
    family commitments were prioritized expressed
    higher levels of satisfaction. Those for whom
    these things did not occur expressed resentment.
  • One faculty member remarked that she had been
    unable to take her own children to scout
    meetings, but was expected to come in for weekend
    scouting events on campus. While others
    complained of being unable to pick up children on
    time, or having childcare issues while meetings
    were arranged to suit someones tee times.
    Others complimented their colleagues for helping
    them be able to attend childrens soccer games,
    or being able to make it to daycare on time every
    day.

46
Conclusions- Gender Schemas
  • Valians (2004) concept of gender schemas helps
    explain continued gender discrimination. While
    overt discrimination is largely a thing of the
    past, the cumulative impact of gender schemas
    remains salient.
  • Work load, support, mentoring

47
How this Affects RTP for Women
  • Recognition of a wider range of publications, and
    community service ie. Articles related to gender,
    newsletters, activism
  • Recognition of womens disproportionate service
    burden along with effects to create equity
  • Accommodations for working parents ie. Option to
    stop the tenure clock for maternity/paternity
    leave

48
Conundrums
  • How does one institutionalize flexibility?
  • Ritzers McDonaldization thesis- Irrationality of
    rationality
  • Precisely what was valued was a flexible system,
    but this meant that not everyone had equitable
    access.
  • How does one institutionalize climate?
  • Participants made it clear that having others
    who got it was central to the climate for
    women, GLBT faculty and under-represented
    minority groups.
  • Many long time faculty specifically noted the
    improved climate on campus as the good old boys
    network retired and a more diverse faculty
    replaced it.
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