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LATINO NATIONAL SURVEY

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LATINO NATIONAL SURVEY Luis R. Fraga, Stanford University John A. Garcia, University of Arizona Rodney E. Hero, University of Notre Dame Michael Jones-Correa, Cornell ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: LATINO NATIONAL SURVEY


1
LATINO NATIONAL SURVEY
  • Luis R. Fraga, Stanford University
  • John A. Garcia, University of Arizona
  • Rodney E. Hero, University of Notre Dame
  • Michael Jones-Correa, Cornell University
  • Valerie Martinez-Ebers, Texas Christian
    University
  • Gary M. Segura, University of Washington

2
(No Transcript)
3
Latinos and the American Polity
  • Are Latinos a distinct community of interest in
    American politics?
  • To what extent is this so?
  • By what process has this come to be?
  • With what political and social effects?
  • How and to what extent are Latinos integrated
    into mainstream society?
  • And do Latinos change America?
  • Does America change Latinos?

4
Latino Diversity, in America and in the LNS
  • Latino National Survey (unweighted N)
  • Mexican
  • Puerto Rican
  • Cuban
  • Salvadoran
  • Dominican
  • Guatemalan
  • Colombian
  • ALL OTHERS
  • Native-born
  • Foreign-born (adults)
  • Island-born (Puerto Rican)
  • No high school diploma
  • College graduate
  • Census Bureau (American Community Survey,
    Released August 2006)
  • Mexican 63.9
  • Puerto Rican 9
  • Cuban 3.5
  • Salvadoran 2.9
  • Dominican 2.7
  • Guatemalan 1.7
  • Colombian 1.8
  • ALL OTHERS 14.3
  • Native-born (not Island-born) 56.4
  • Foreign-born (40 includes children)
  • Island-born (3.6 Puerto Rican)
  • No high school diploma 43
  • College graduate 11.1

5
What We Did
  • A national telephone survey of 8600 Latino
    residents of the United States, seeking a broad
    understanding of the qualitative nature of Latino
    political and social life in America
  • Approximately 40 minutes (length and number of
    questions depends on split-samples, etc)
  • English and Spanish
  • Universe is all Latinos, not citizens or voters.

6
Stratified Structure
  • The survey is stratified, that is, creates
    stand-alone samples in 15 states and the DC Metro
    area allowing us to speak to specific political
    contexts
  • Arizona 400
  • Arkansas 400
  • California 1200
  • Colorado 400
  • DC-SMSA 400
  • Florida 800
  • Georgia 400
  • Illinois 600
  • Iowa 400
  • Nevada 400
  • New Jersey 400
  • New Mexico 400
  • New York 800
  • North Carolina 400
  • Texas 800
  • Washington 400

7
Latino National Contextual Database
  • Include census, economic and demographic data
  • Income, education, residential segregation,
    foreign-born population, national-origin group,
    citizenship status etc. at state, community,
    political boundary, bloc and tract levels
  • Include political data
  • Representation by gender, ethnicity, and party
  • Aggregate political data, including party
    distribution, voter registration and turnout
  • VRA Section 5 covered jurisdiction
  • Include education data
  • Per pupil expenditure
  • Percent of LEP students
  • Bilingual Instruction/English Immersion practices
  • Latinos as a share of total school enrollment
  • Racial and ethnic composition of school boards

8
Themes within the Survey
  • Survey includesmany of the questions or topics
    you have grown to love from existing surveys,
    whenever possible to ensure comparability
  • Questions submitted by various political
    scientists specifically targeted at states
  • Questions suggested by the advisory board
  • Beyond the standard, we focused on
    transnationalism, identity, inter-group and
    intra-group relations, gender, education, policy
    preferences, discrimination, mobilization and
    overall political orientations
  • Some questions specific to foreign born,
    non-citizens, registered voters, and residents of
    specific states.

9
Latino National Contextual Database
  • Census demographic neighborhood data
  • Income, education, residential segregation,
    foreign-born population, national-origin group,
    citizenship status etc. at state, community,
    political boundary, bloc and tract levels
  • Political jurisdiction data
  • Representation by gender, ethnicity, and party
  • Aggregate political data, including party
    distribution, voter registration and turnout
  • VRA Section 5 covered jurisdiction
  • School district data
  • Per pupil expenditure
  • Percent of ELL students
  • Bilingual Instruction/English Immersion practices
  • Latinos as a share of total school enrollment
  • Racial and ethnic composition of school boards

10
Sources of Funding
  • Annie E. Casey Foundation
  • Carnegie Corporation
  • Ford Foundation
  • Hewlett Foundation
  • Irvine Foundation
  • Joyce Foundation
  • Kellogg Foundation
  • National Science Foundation
  • Russell Sage Foundation
  • Texas AM University MALRC, PERG

11
The Miracles of Sample Size
  • Usable sub-samples for
  • National origin groups (7)
  • Stand-alone State Analysis
  • 15 states DC Metro
  • Generations
  • 5704 Foreign born
  • 936 US-born to FB parents
  • 892 US-born to at least one US born parent
  • 1023 US-born citizens of at least one US
    grandparent
  • Includes 443 Island born Puerto Ricans and
  • 580 4th generation US mainland born
  • Sample Strata
  • Before and after Immigration Marches
  • Mexican State Analysis 12 Mexican states with
    Ns greater than 100 respondents (1 200, 2 300,
    2 400)
  • Add states

12
Unique Sub-Samples Available
  • 841 Senior Citizens (65)
  • 1035 Union Members
  • 997 with household incomes above 65k
  • 1379 College graduates, 573 of which have
    advanced degrees
  • 964 self-identified Republicans and 1424
    Independents
  • 71 Catholic, but 224 Jehovahs Witnesses, 339
    Pentecostals, 177 Southern Baptists, etc.
  • 2671 (31) report that they or a close family
    member served in the military
  • Numbers reported are un-weighted Ns

13
Conceptual Framework
  • False dichotomy of Latinoness and Americanness
  • Single dimension with each at one extreme
  • Latino identity is an American identity
  • Latino socially constructed in the U.S.
  • American idealized identity also socially
    constructed in the U.S.
  • Both dimensions necessary to understand Latinos
    in American politics

14
Latino Identity in the United States
Americanness Americanness
Low High
Latinoness High Cultural Nationalism Cultural Pluralism
Latinoness Low Particularistic various forms Melting pot
15
Contemporary Latinoness in the U.S.
  • 1989 LNPS national origin preference clear
  • Increasing immigration in the U.S.
  • Continued prevalence of Mexican-origin among
    Latinos
  • Expect persistence of national-origin as
    principal self-identifier

16
LNS 2006
  • PANETHNIC HISPANIC/LATINO IDENTIFICATION
  • 100 INCREASE
  • RACIAL IDENTIFICATION
  • MORE COMPLEX THAN PREVIOUSLY UNDERSTOOD
  • INTERGROUP RELATIONS
  • STRONG SENTIMENTS OF COMMONALITY AND LINKED FATE
    WITH AFRICAN AMERICANS

17
Strength of identity by group
Americanness National Origin Hispanic/ Latino
Mexican 61.7 84.0 87.4
Cuban 77.8 82.1 81.6
Puerto Rican 83.7 90.7 89.3
All 65.0 84.0 87.2
Cells are percent expressing somewhat or very strongly Cells are percent expressing somewhat or very strongly Cells are percent expressing somewhat or very strongly Cells are percent expressing somewhat or very strongly
18
Forced choice when forced to select a single
identity
American National Origin Pan-Ethnic
Mexican 16.1 38.9 39.0
Cuban 27.7 36.8 26.7
Puerto Rican 21.2 43.9 27.9
All 17.0 38.5 38.0
Cells are percent of group choosing that identity Cells are percent of group choosing that identity Cells are percent of group choosing that identity Cells are percent of group choosing that identity
19
Surprisingly high sense of pan-ethnicity
Very Strong 62.8
Somewhat 24.5
Not very strong 6.1
Not at all 3.6

20
Latin Linked FateIndividual Group-based
Perception
Mex ind Mex group Cuban ind Cuban group PR ind PR group
Nothing 14.3 7.1 18.4 13.4 22.1 11.3
Little 15.3 13.2 11.9 8.6 15.3 14.1
Some 24.6 25.8 20.5 22.2 21.7 28.5
A Lot 39.2 46.8 36.3 43.7 34.1 38.5
How much does your doing well depend on other Latinos/Hispanics also doing well? How much does ethnic subgroup doing well depend on how other Hispanics or Latinos also doing well? How much does your doing well depend on other Latinos/Hispanics also doing well? How much does ethnic subgroup doing well depend on how other Hispanics or Latinos also doing well? How much does your doing well depend on other Latinos/Hispanics also doing well? How much does ethnic subgroup doing well depend on how other Hispanics or Latinos also doing well? How much does your doing well depend on other Latinos/Hispanics also doing well? How much does ethnic subgroup doing well depend on how other Hispanics or Latinos also doing well? How much does your doing well depend on other Latinos/Hispanics also doing well? How much does ethnic subgroup doing well depend on how other Hispanics or Latinos also doing well? How much does your doing well depend on other Latinos/Hispanics also doing well? How much does ethnic subgroup doing well depend on how other Hispanics or Latinos also doing well? How much does your doing well depend on other Latinos/Hispanics also doing well? How much does ethnic subgroup doing well depend on how other Hispanics or Latinos also doing well?
21
Extent of Commonality among Latinos regarding
Jobs, Education and Income Attainment with
African Americans and Whites
Latinos in National Latino Survey Commonality with African Americans Commonality with Whites
Nativity Some/ A lot Some/ A lot
Native Born (2408)1 67.9 56.1
Foreign-born2 (5704) 45.9 45.1
Latino Sub-Groups
Colombians (139) 46.8 53.2
Cubans (419) 51.3 55.4
Dominicans (335) 53.7 43.6
El Salvadorans (406) 48.8 45.1
Guatemalans (149) 40.9 43.6
Mexicans (5690) 51.0 47.2
Puerto Ricans (759) 65.5 54.2
The numbers in the parentheses represent the number of respondents in that category The operational definition for the foreign-born includes all persons born outside the U.S., including being born in Puerto Rico. The numbers in the parentheses represent the number of respondents in that category The operational definition for the foreign-born includes all persons born outside the U.S., including being born in Puerto Rico. The numbers in the parentheses represent the number of respondents in that category The operational definition for the foreign-born includes all persons born outside the U.S., including being born in Puerto Rico.
22
Extent of Commonality among Latinos regarding
their political situation with African Americans
and Whites
Latinos in National Latino Survey Commonality with African Americans Commonality with Whites
Nativity Some/ A lot Some/ A lot
Native Born (2408)1 62.8 48.7
Foreign-born2 (5704) 43.4 64.1
Latino Sub-Groups
Colombians (139) 49.6 41.7
Cubans (419) 51.3 49.9
Dominicans (335) 52.8 43.3
El Salvadorans (406) 45.3 40.9
Guatemalans (149) 40.9 39.6
Mexicans (5690) 46.9 42.6
Puerto Ricans (759) 60.6 47.7
The numbers in the parentheses represent the number of respondents in that category The operational definition for the foreign-born includes all persons born outside the U.S., including being born in Puerto Rico. The numbers in the parentheses represent the number of respondents in that category The operational definition for the foreign-born includes all persons born outside the U.S., including being born in Puerto Rico. The numbers in the parentheses represent the number of respondents in that category The operational definition for the foreign-born includes all persons born outside the U.S., including being born in Puerto Rico.
23
How much does Latinos doing well depend on
African Americans doing well
Latinos in National Latino Survey Linked Fate with African Americans
Nativity Some/ A lot
Native Born (2408)1 53.4
Foreign-born2 (5704) 67.0
Latino Sub-Groups
Colombians (139) 66.9
Cubans (419) 61.3
Dominicans (335) 72.2
El Salvadorans (406) 68.2
Guatemalans (149) 64.4
Mexicans (5690) 62.4
Puerto Ricans (759) 61.8
The numbers in the parentheses represent the number of respondents in that category The operational definition for the foreign-born includes all persons born outside the U.S., including being born in Puerto Rico. The numbers in the parentheses represent the number of respondents in that category The operational definition for the foreign-born includes all persons born outside the U.S., including being born in Puerto Rico.
24
Racial Identification
  • Self-identification Distribution
  • 66.1 some other race
  • 24.0 white
  • .8 black
  • Fully 51 of respondents say Latino/Hispanic is a
    different race!
  • But race isnt the same as skin tone.

25
Determinants of Racial Self-identification
  • Racial identification doesnt obviously vary by
    citizenship or generation in US.
  • Looking at national origin and state, Cubans
    (and Florida) are outliers (25 percentage point
    difference with six other major Latino ethnic
    groups).
  • As previously documented, Cuban Americans are
    more likely than other Latinos to self-identify
    as white.
  • But. Even Cuban response is a big shift from
    LNPS in 1989.Cuban Distribution white other
    1989 92.5 3.8 2006 51.1 42.7

26
Skin-tone and its effects
  • Plurality Answer in the mid-range of dark to
    light. Majority answered 4 or 5, i.e. light.
  • Cuban Responses for skin-tone not significantly
    different from other groups
  • 8.1 answering dark or very dark, compared
    to 10 of other groups.
  • Skin-tone not obviously correlated to outcomes in
    employment, home ownership, education, income,
    thinking of self as American, experience of
    crime, or intermarriage.
  • Most importantly, skin-tone not closely
    correlated with self-reported racial
    identification.

27
Implications
  • Preliminary findings challenge previous research
  • Empirical observations distinct
  • Theories must be reexamined
  • Dimensions of community
  • How is it manifested?
  • Which factors drive sense of community
  • Implications for American politics
  • Effects of community sentiment on the development
    of the Latino future
  • Effects of Latino community sentiment on American
    politics

28
Public Release of Data Set
  • Questionnaire available in the Fall of 2006 at
    the University of Washington Institute for the
    Study of Ethnicity, Race, and Sexuality (WISER)
    at http//depts.washington.edu/uwiser
  • Release to Advisory Board in Spring 2007
  • Conference for Assistant Professors and Graduate
    Students in AY 2007-8 selected from a call for
    papers to be issued Summer 07
  • Release to general political science public at
    the 2007 Annual Meeting of the American Political
    Science Association
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