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THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT

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Title: 9/11 AND INTER-AMERICAN RELATIONS II Author: Wayne Cornelius Last modified by: phsmith Created Date: 3/9/2004 8:00:12 PM Document presentation format – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT


1
THE RISE OF THE NEW LEFT
2
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3
CONTEXT
  • Rise of China
  • Autonomy for Latin America
  • Breakdown of ideological consensus
  • Securitizing U.S.-Latin American relations
  • Source Domínguez, Changes in the International
    System

4
THE EVOLVING WORLD ORDER
  • Unipolar?
  • Multipolar?
  • Flat?
  • Pyramid?
  • Source Smith, Prisms of Power, CR 4

5
THE PINK TIDE ORIGINS
  • Economiclack of growth (through 2003), poverty
    and inequality, frustration with Washington
    Consensus
  • Politicalweakness of representative
    institutions, inattention to poor, persistence of
    corruption
  • Internationalwar in Iraq, opposition to Bush
    policies and growing distaste for American
    society

6
THE PINK TIDE MEMBERSHIP
  • Hugo Chávez, Venezuela (1998, 2004, 2006)
  • Lula, Brazil (2002, 2006) and Delma Rousseff
    (2010)
  • Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández, Argentina
    (2003, 2007)
  • Evo Morales, Bolivia (2005, 2009)
  • Daniel Ortega, Nicaragua (2006)
  • Rafael Correa, Ecuador (2006, 2010)
  • Fernando Lugo, Paraguay (2008)
  • Mauricio Funes, El Salvador (2009)
  • Near-Misses
  • Ollanta Humala, Peru (2006)
  • Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Mexico (2006)

7
CLARIFICATION 1
  • Differentiation right/center/left
  • Contending leaders in/for Latin America
  • Felipe Calderón (Mexico)
  • Lula (Brazil)
  • Hugo Chávez (Venezuela)

8
CLARIFICATION 2
  • Disenchanted masses in Latin America ?
  • Voters for pink tide candidates ?
  • Leftist candidates for office ?
  • Leftist winners of presidential elections ?
  • Pro-Chávez chief executives ?
  • Hugo Chávez
  • Notes
  • Tidal swell is spontaneous, not organized
  • Rivalries and defections

9
THE PINK TIDE GOALS
  • Domesticwinning power, rearranging electoral
    alignments overturning status quo, possibly
    through institutional reform changing policy
    direction
  • Hemisphericgaining support throughout Latin
    America (invoking Bolivarian dream), reducing
    U.S. hegemony
  • Globalchallenging international order, forging
    alliances with developing world and non-aligned
    nations

10
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11
THE PROBLEM WITH HUGO
  • Uses language of the street (including the Arab
    street)e.g., the devil speech
  • Sits atop petroleum
  • Puts money where his mouth is
  • Breaks established rules of the game
  • Plays off resentment of Bush, U.S. power
  • Challenges Washington Consensus and FTAA
  • Goes for high stakes
  • Seeks rearrangement of prevailing world order

12
THE ODD COUPLE HUGO AND JORGE
  • Georges gifts to Hugo
  • discourse on democracy (e.g., Second Inaugural)
  • caricature of ugly American
  • unpopularity of foreign policies
  • inattention to Latin America
  • And Hugos reciprocation
  • exaggerated rhetoric
  • potential threats to neighboring countries
  • authoritarian tendencies
  • Q1 What would Hugo do without George?
  • Q2 What about oil?

13
CHALLENGING AMERICAN MYTHS
  • The Cherished Assumptionfreely elected leaders
    will support U.S. policy
  • The Western Hemisphere ideathe new world is
    distinct from old, will forge common front in
    international arena
  • Democracy rationale for regime changefree
    elections as protective shield
  • The hegemonic presumptionthe United States can
    dictate political life in Latin America

14
GWB AND THE PINK TIDE
  • Strategy of inoculation
  • Circumvention through FTAs
  • Cultivation (and cooptation?) of Lula

15
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16
VISIONS FOR LATIN AMERICAGWB AND USA
  • Democraticwith tilt to right or center-right
  • Prosperouswith commitment to free-market
    policies and ties to United States
  • Unifiedunder U.S. leadership
  • Peacefulin view of unanimity
  • Deferentialfollowing U.S. lead in global arena

17
REALITY CHECK 1
  • Democracy broad ideological spectrum, from
    left to right
  • Prosperity mixed economies rejection of
    Washington Consensus, FTAs, and FTAA
  • Ideology diversity rather than unity
  • Outlooks anti-U.S. attitudes strong and growing
    among large share of population
  • Alliances rejection of U.S. leadership and
    rules of the game

18
REALITY CHECK 2
  • Not everyone wants the same thing!

19
GWB and Latin America Comparative and Historical
Perspective _________Latin America as
Priority___________ ______ Low _______
_______ High _____ Operational Mode for
U.S. ____ Unilateral Ad hoc
Systematic imposition
intervention (Bush 2001-04)
(Reagan 1981-89) _______ _________________
__________________
Intermittent, Consistent, Multilateral
low-level high-level
diplomacy engagement (Clinton
1993-2000) (Kennedy 1961-63)
__________________________________________________
__________
20
Rank-Order Preferences for U.S. Policy
___Partners___
__Targets___ U.S. Policy
(Mexico, (Cuba, __Rivals___
___Bystanders__ __Configuration__ _Bush
II__ __Colombia)__ __Venezuela)__
__(Brazil?)__ ___(Others)____ Low priority
1 4 2 1
4 Unilateral Low priority
2 3 1 2 2
Multilateral High priority 3 1
4 4 3
Unilateral High priority 4 2
3 3 1
Multilateral Note As presented here,
ordinal rankings mean that 1 stands for the
first-place (most preferable) choice, 2 for the
second-place choice, 3 for the third-place
choice, and 4 for the fourth-place (least
preferable) choice.
21
The End.
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