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DO AFFORDABLE HOUSING MANDATES WORK? EVIDENCE FROM CALIFORNIA

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DO AFFORDABLE HOUSING MANDATES WORK? EVIDENCE FROM CALIFORNIA Benjamin Powell, Ph.D. and Edward Stringham, Ph.D. Department of Economics San Jose State University – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: DO AFFORDABLE HOUSING MANDATES WORK? EVIDENCE FROM CALIFORNIA


1
DO AFFORDABLE HOUSING MANDATES WORK? EVIDENCE
FROM CALIFORNIA
  • Benjamin Powell, Ph.D.
  • and Edward Stringham, Ph.D.
  • Department of Economics
  • San Jose State University

2
Overview
  • Long Term Problems
  • Income Targeting
  • Mobility
  • Improvements
  • Administration
  • Debate
  • Density Bonuses
  • Housing Cost
  • Socioeconomic Integration
  • Supply Restrictions
  • Motivation
  • Housing Market
  • Bay Area Supply
  • Below Market Rate Production
  • Economics of Affordable Housing Mandates
  • Costs of Affordable Housing Mandates
  • Level of Tax
  • Effect on Home Prices
  • Effect on Supply

3
When I went to grad school in Virginia, I lived
in in this luxury highrise with a classmate for
655 per person.
4
When I got a job in California, I figured I could
live an equivalent building like this one.
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The Problem Housing prices are very high
  • In San Francisco the Median Priced Home sells for
    735,000
  • In Santa Clara County the suburbs, the Median
    Priced Home sells for 670,000
  • Source San Francisco Chronicle, October 2, 2005

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The Problem Housing prices are very high
  • That means housing payments for these median
    priced homes in Santa Clara County are 3,800 per
    month, 45,000 per year, or 125 per day!
  • (Assuming a 30 year mortgage at 5.5 percent)

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High prices preclude many from buying
13
Why are prices high?
  • Supply has not kept up with demand
  • Are we running out of land?
  • Housing is unaffordable because of zoning laws
    (Harvard/Wharton study)
  • Exclusionary zoning laws mandate minimum lot
    sizes, minimum density, and other restrictions
    that prevent the market from supplying more
    housing

14
The proposed solution
  • Inclusionary zoning
  • A mandatory inclusionary zoning ordinance as
    practiced in California is an affordable housing
    mandate that requires builders to sell a certain
    percentage of their homes at below market rates

15
The goals of inclusionary zoning
  • The program is touted as a way to make housing
    more affordable
  • The program is touted as a way to provide housing
    for all income levels, not just the rich
  • Helps create diverse socio-economic communities

16
How inclusionary zoning ordinances work
  • Varies by city, but most California ordinances
    require 10-20 percent of new units to be sold at
    prices affordable to low income families (defined
    as a certain percentage of median income)
  • For example, in Tiburon, California a low income
    family can only afford to pay 109,800 for a home
    so
  • 10 percent of new homes in Tiburon must be sold
    at 109,800
  • 90 percent can be sold at market rates

17
Where do they have it?
  • Most popular in California
  • Also in place in New Jersey, Virginia, and
    Maryland and are being considered in many other
    places including DC, Chicago and New York

18
California cities with inclusionary zoning
ordinances
19
What are the results?
20
Examples of below market rate developments
21
Examples of below market rate developments
22
Examples of below market rate developments
23
Examples of below market rate developments
24
Examples of below market rate developments
25
Examples of below market rate developments
26
  • Looks good right?
  • Many people say the programs are a success and
    should be implemented in more cities

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Assessing inclusionary zoning
  • How do advocates measure success?
  • What evidence do they provide that the ordinances
    are good?
  • Whats the normative standard?

29
Number of inclusionary zoning ordinances in the
Bay Area
30
Role of Economic Analysis
  • Just because a policy is becoming more popular
    does not mean it is a good idea
  • Hoping something is a good idea does not make
    something a good idea
  • Some policies may not be the best means of
    achieving the desired ends of increasing housing
    affordability

31
Role of Economic Analysis
  • Inclusionary zoning sounds good to many people,
    but my coauthor and I decided to investigate the
    actual results of the policy rather than just
    looking at the expressed intent
  • What does economics have to say?

32
Some research questions
  • Is inclusionary zoning helping increase the
    supply of affordable housing in California?
  • How costly is inclusionary zoning?
  • Are there any drawbacks that have not been
    considered?

33
First lets compare an estimate of housing need
to how many units inclusionary zoning produces
34
Association of Bay Area Governments 2001-2006
Estimated Affordable Housing Need by City
35
How many units does inclusionary zoning produce?
36
Need versus actual production of affordable units
by Bay Area city
37
Need versus actual production of affordable units
by Bay Area city
  • Fewer than 7,000 units in 30 years
  • Only 228 Annually
  • Average city produces fewer than 15 per year
    after adopting a program

38
Production Compared to Need
39
Why does inclusionary zoning do a poor job?
  • Despite its attractive sounding name,
    inclusionary zoning is nothing more than a price
    control
  • If economists agree on anything, its that price
    controls (price ceilings) on housing reduce the
    quantity and/or quality of housing supplied

40
Economics of Affordable Housing Mandates
  • Price ceiling on a percentage of units
  • Essentially a tax on the remainder of units
  • Increases prices for the vast majority of
    homebuyers
  • Decreases quantity of housing produced

41
Economics of Affordable Housing Mandates
  • Price ceiling on a percentage of units
  • Essentially a tax on the remainder of units
  • Increases prices for the vast majority of
    homebuyers
  • Decreases quantity of housing produced

42
Inclusionary Zoning Creates Two Markets First
the Price Controlled Market
PRICE OFHOUSING
Supply of Housing
P1
Affordability Control
Demand for Housing
QUANTITY OF HOUSING
Qs w/ control
Qd w/control
Qs w/out control Qd w/out control
43
Inclusionary Zoning Creates Two Markets First
the Price Controlled Market
PRICE OFHOUSING
Supply of Housing
P1
Shortage
Affordability Control
Demand for Housing
QUANTITY OF HOUSING
Qs w/ control
Qd w/control
Qs w/out control Qd w/out control
44
Economics of Affordable Housing Mandates
  • Price ceiling on a percentage of units
  • Essentially a tax on the remainder of units
  • Increases prices for the vast majority of
    homebuyers
  • Decreases quantity of housing produced

45
Inclusionary Zoning Creates Two Markets Second
the Market Rate Units
Supply of Housing w/ IZ tax
PRICE OFHOUSING
Supply of Housing
P w/ tax (for market buyers)
P1
Demand for Housing
Q1
Q w/ tax
QUANTITY OF HOUSING
46
  • Our research was the first attempt to quantify
    the cost of the program
  • Without knowing the cost of a program
    policymakers have little idea whether better ways
    of helping low income households exists

47
Sample Calculations of Cost Associated with
Providing Units for Low Income
48
Average cost associated with selling each price
controlled unit
49
Average cost associated with selling each price
controlled unit times the number of units
50
Who pays for the below market units?
  • Because government does not write a check for the
    below market units, the affordable housing
    mandate is essentially a tax on new housing
  • There is no free lunch here but unfortunately the
    tax is hidden
  • This hidden tax must be borne by some combination
    of market rate homebuyers, builders, and
    landowners

51
Inclusionary Zoning Acts as a Tax on New Homes
  • (Cost per BMR unit)( BMR Units) Tax Per
    Market Unit
  • ( Market Units)
  • For example in Mill Valley one out of ten units
    must be sold at a lost of 750,000 so
  • (750,000)(10) 83,000 Tax Per Market Rate
    Unit
  • (90)
  • In other words, in a 10 unit development the
    750,000 cost would be spread over the 9 market
    rate units.

52
Inclusionary Zoning Acts as a Tax on New Homes
  • (Cost per BMR unit)( BMR Units) Tax Per
    Market Unit
  • ( Market Units)
  • For example in Mill Valley one out of ten units
    must be sold at a loss of 750,000 so
  • (750,000)(10) 83,000 Tax Per Market Rate
    Unit
  • (90)
  • In other words, in a 10 unit development the
    750,000 cost would be spread over the 9 market
    rate units.

53
Inclusionary Zoning Acts as a Tax on New Homes
  • (Cost per BMR unit)( BMR Units) Tax Per
    Market Unit
  • ( Market Units)
  • For example in Mill Valley one out of ten units
    must be sold at a loss of 750,000 so
  • (750,000)(10) 83,000 Tax Per Market Rate
    Unit
  • (90)
  • In other words, in a 10 unit development the
    750,000 cost would be spread over the 9 market
    rate units.

54
Inclusionary Zoning Acts as a Tax on New Homes
  • What is the magnitude of the tax in San Francisco
    Bay Area cities?

55
Effective tax imposed on new market-rate units
caused by inclusionary zoning
56
Economics of Affordable Housing Mandates
  • Price ceiling on a percentage of units
  • Essentially a tax on the remainder of units
  • Increases prices for the vast majority of
    homebuyers
  • Decreases quantity of housing produced

57
Increases in Price of New Homes Caused by
Inclusionary Zoning (Under Three Different
Assumptions About Who Bears the Costs
58
Important lessons that are difficult to convey to
advocates of affordable housing mandates
  • Taxes on a product makes that product more
    expensive
  • Affordable mandates act as a tax on housing and
    make market rate homes more expensive

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Economics of Affordable Housing Mandates
  • Price ceiling on a percentage of units
  • Essentially a tax on the remainder of units
  • Increases prices for the vast majority of
    homebuyers
  • Decreases quantity of housing produced

70
How do price controls influence the amount of new
construction?
  • We looked at data over the past 30 years to
    compare housing construction in each city before
    and after the imposition of inclusionary zoning.

71
Production in San Francisco Bay Area
72
Production in Southern California
73
If those decreases are indeed attributable to the
price controls the value of homes not built
because of price controls (over a 7 year period
in 8 Southern California Cities)
  • 11,000,000,000

74
  • Example of Fort Ord

75
1 Year for Bay AreaComparing the increase in
"affordable" units to the overall decrease in new
construction associated with inclusionary zoning
76
7 Years for Southern California
77
  • Our report has been moderately successful at
    putting some constraints on the claims by those
    who advocate inclusionary zoning
  • Advocates of price controls no longer claim
    inclusionary zoning is a full solution as they
    used to, but those who still advocate the
    ordinance claim its a partial solution.
  • They say that producing a few units is better
    than none
  • They say at least it can benefit a few people

78
Some remaining questions
  • Still are inclusionary units as good as the
    advocates say?
  • Even though inclusionary zoning does not benefit
    most people, could it at least benefit me?

79
Some remaining questions
  • Still are inclusionary units as good as the
    advocates say?
  • Even though inclusionary zoning does not benefit
    most people, could it at least benefit me?

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300,000 Looks like a great deal right?
83
300,000 Looks like a great deal right?
  • What advocates of inclusionary zoning often fail
    to tell people
  • this San Francisco condo will have resale price
    restrictions for the next 55 years
  • I am age 30, so that means I would be able to
    sell it at market rate when I am age 85
  • Meanwhile, the already higher market rate units
    appreciate at normal rates creating further
    disparity between neighbors

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Other questions aspects of affordable housing
mandates
  • Is it really ownership if a person cannot gain
    any appreciation?
  • Is it really ownership if a person cannot give
    their home to their children unless their
    children are also low income?
  • Is a program that creates two tiers of ownership
    really good for low income families?
  • How costly are these programs to monitor?
  • What will be the long run effects?

87
What do owners of these price controlled units
have to say?
88
How Should We Deal With High Prices?
  • Worst Idea.price controls
  • Inclusionary zoning has many problems that will
    only get worse over time
  • Inclusionary zoning does not address the real
    reason why housing has become so unaffordable

89
How Should We Deal With High Prices?
  • Worst Idea.price controls!
  • Inclusionary zoning has many problems that will
    only get worse over time
  • Inclusionary zoning does not address the real
    reason why housing has become so unaffordable

90
Just say no to price controls!
PRICE OFHOUSING
Supply of Housing
P1
Affordability Control
Demand for Housing
QUANTITY OF HOUSING
Qs w/ control
Qd w/control
Qs w/out control Qd w/out control
91
As an alternative to price controls how can we
encourage more affordable housing?
  • Better idea

92
Allowing supply to keep up with demand
PRICE OFHOUSING
Supply of Housing 1
P1
Demand for Housing
QUANTITY OF HOUSING
Q1
93
Allowing supply to keep up with demand
PRICE OFHOUSING
Supply of Housing 1
Supply of Housing 2
P1
P1
Demand for Housing
QUANTITY OF HOUSING
Q1
Q2
94
Real Solutions(as alternatives to price controls)
  • Eliminate Exclusionary Zoning, Eliminate Growth
    Boundaries, Eliminate Permit Moratoria, and
    Eliminate Inclusionary Zoning.

95
My favorite quote on this subject
  • Production is the key for being able to have a
    wide range of housing options, said Michael
    Houlemard, executive director of the Fort Ord
    Reuse Authority. If we encourage
    production.that alone is going to either
    stabilize or drive down home prices in the area.
  • (The Californian, Salinas, CA, January 19, 2004)

96
My favorite quote on this subject
  • Houlemard draws his assessment directly from a
    study done by two San Jose State economists.
    (The Californian, Salinas, CA, January 19, 2004)

97
DO AFFORDABLE HOUSING MANDATES WORK? EVIDENCE
FROM CALIFORNIA
  • Benjamin Powell, Ph.D
  • and Edward Stringham, Ph.D.
  • Department of Economics
  • San Jose State University

98
DO AFFORDABLE HOUSING MANDATES WORK? EVIDENCE
FROM CALIFORNIA
Based on research with Ben Powell
  • Edward Stringham, Ph.D.
  • Department of Economics
  • San Jose State University
  • Edward.Stringham_at_SJSU.EDU

99
Inclusionary Zoning Advocates Speak
  • The price of housing is not a function of its
    development cost. Rather, housing price, be it
    rents or sale prices, are solely a function of
    market demand (David Paul Rosen 2004).
  • Even if their profits are not maximized,
    developers will still realize acceptable profits.
    Therefore, developers will still develop
    (Padilla 1995).
  • Institute for Local Self Government states that
    inclusionary zoning helps, Offset the demand on
    housing that is created by new development.

100
Advocates of inclusionary zoning speak
  • High enough density bonuses create affordable
    units at no cost to landowners, developers, or
    other homeowners (Padilla 1995).
  • "Most inclusionary rules are actively sought by
    developers, and can hardly be considered taxes"
    Dietderich (1996).
  • Developers often fail to participate because
    they do not understand the economics of the
    program Kautz (2002).

101
Long-Term Controls
  • Income Targeting
  • Mobility
  • Improvements
  • Administration

102
Reaction to our research
  • Research has been featured in over seventy
    papers, including favorable stories in San
    Francisco Chronicle, San Jose Mercury News,
    Sacramento Bee, and Miami Herald
  • In the past twelve months the report has been
    downloaded from Reasons website 73,364 times

103
Reaction
  • The Critics
  • Their paper suggests that the market will
    solve our housing problems. Funny that it hasnt
    yet! - Gary Patton, LandWatch
  • It theorizes but offers no proof, that
    developers pass the costs of the IH units to
    market-rate consumers... In reality, developers
    are not philanthropies and will charge the
    highest price the market will bear, with or
    without IH. - Rob Wiener, California Coalition
    for Rural Housing.

104
Reaction
  • The Best
  • At best, using IZ to provide low-income housing
    is at like fighting a forest fire with a garden
    hose. Under the harsh light this new study
    shines on the policy that hose may be spraying
    fuel, rather than water, on the fire. - Daniel
    Weintraub, Sac Bee.

105
DO AFFORDABLE HOUSING MANDATES WORK? Benjamin
Powell and Edward Stringham
Reason POLICY STUDY 318
1Should I do Terry Anderson? 2 Fort Ord story
I know price controls are bad The following
two are in Monterey presentation in The notes
section 3. Sam Farr story about gravity4. Brain
surgeon.
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