SIXTH FRAMEWORK PROGRAMME presentation

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Title: SIXTH FRAMEWORK PROGRAMME

1

Case studies
Case Study 1 Suspect donation to the party
foundation Democracy of the United Democratic
Forces
Case Study 2Privatization of Bulgartabac Holding
(BTH)

Data Generation
Documents related to the two particular cases -
media materials, NGO analysis, Verdicts, Parties
leaders statements etc.
General materials on corruption from the target
groups we were not able to obtain documents to
the cases.

Codes development
1st level Most explicit ideas, usually
associated with specific words and phrases
2th levelbeyond the basic meanings of the
concepts, deeper argumentations and perceptions
3rd level hidden ideas or concepts with more
abstract character
Interpretation building a single story to place
findings in appropriate position.

Case study 1
Michael Chorny announcing his donation to the
Democracy foundation in October 2003
The pre-history of his expulsion from the country
in 2000
Immediate start of several investigative
proceedings
Huge media coverage
Libel cases won by Chorny 2004-2006
Nicosia court decision that Chorny was not the
owner of the company which made the donation

Background facts
Party financing is a poorly regulated area the
issue of structural corruption (problems with
disclosure, parties-foundations)
Party funding and organised crime. What is
organised crime? Gap between judicial
pronouncements and public knowledge

Major dichotomies in the understanding of crime
and corruption
Legalistic conceptions v. public-interest-based
conceptions
Pro- and contra-foreign financial participation
in domestic politics (no special worries about
the foreign element)
What to do with money from illegitimate sources
accept to make good use of them or reject and
blacklist?
Legitimate lobbying v. corrupt influence. How to
build a social base for a political platform
Private use of political money v, public use of
political money
Transparency v. egalitarianism

Target Group Politics
From legalistic to inflated interest-based
conceptions of corruption favouritism in
privatisation state control of smuggling
channels turning the party into a corrupt
hierarchical structure
Gap between the understandings of accusers
(Sugarev) and accused (Kostov) government and
opposition
Attempt to normalise inflated conceptions of
corruption the circle of firms idea
(clientelism and favouritism in defence of the
public good)

Target Group Judiciary
Heavy emphasis on legalistic conceptions
Transformation of corruption allegation into
libel
Was it an attempt to setup Kostov, or an instance
of a kickback for a governmental favour?
Inconclusive character of judicial involvement
neither confirm or reject allegations
conclusively, which provides ground for the
production of myths

Target Group Police and Prosecutors
Wide-spread use in official documents of
inflated public interest based conceptions of
corruption circles of friends, favouritism,
party machines, political umbrella against
investigation, massive theft through
privatisation
Naming people as part of mafiotic structures
including a minister of interior
Use of such documents in election campaigns
Lack of judicial confirmation of allegations
these rarely reach the courts as formal
indictments
More politicians than magistrates in terms of
discourse

Target Group Media
Corruption as an all-embracing metaphor
criminal and bad government
Main theme The elite is stealing from the people
on a massive scale.
Solutions convictions. But also, people want to
share in the spoils of corruption. Participatory
corruption ideal.
Role of the media to hook in the people in the
process of grand stealing, to make them a
witness, rather than to condemn and sanction
corruption.
Arguments disproportionate interest in the
outbreak and unfolding of scandals, and lack of
interest in its resolution

Target Group Civil Society
Most sophisticated discourse, dictating the
fashion in general
Corruption is measurable, and it is increasing or
at least is very high. It is bad for the economy.
It is a problem which could be dealt with through
institutional change and a change in the
incentive structure of important actors (Stanchev
on party funding)
Results could be expected quickly
Civil Society discourse raises dramatically
public expectations, delegitimises governments,
creates new populist political actors (necessity
of political will, new facs, etc.)

Conclusions
From legalistic, quid pro quo understandings of
corruption to the predominance of the metaphor of
criminal government
Delegitimation of mainstream politics
Preparation of ground for new populist actors
The wearing out of the effect of the corruption
discourse

Case Study 2 Privatization of Bulgartabac
Holding
BULGARTABAC Holding
leading tobacco company in SEE
state-owned and managed
tobacco buying, processing and leaf trade,
manufacturing and export of cigarettes
1998 First put up for sale by the UDF Government
in.
July 2000 Privatization Agency (PA) cancels
tender and invites new bids.
March 2001 privatization procedure terminated.

Case Study 2 Privatization of Bulgartabac
Holding
The parliamentary elections in 2001 were won by
Simeon II National Movement (SIINM)
New Minister of the Economy and Vice
Prime-Minister Nikolay Vasilev announced that the
privatization of the Bulgartabac tobacco holding
would be completed by the end of 2001.
Due to political and economic constraints, the
new bidding did not start until the spring of
2002.

Case Study 2 Privatization of Bulgartabac
Holding
October 2002 3 member SAC panel declare the
procedure illegitimate and cancels the choice of
buyer
December 2002 5 member SAC panel confirm
decision of 3 member panel. Final decision
Chorni succeeds to block the deal with Deutsche
in court, but not to buy BTH
February 7, 2003 Government prepared a special
privatization law to overrule court decision
April 3, 2003 due to opposition in Parliament,
PA stops negotiations, and Council of Ministers
stops the procedure

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