Borrowing and Morphology in some American Languages - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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Borrowing and Morphology in some American Languages

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Title: Borrowing and Morphology in some American Languages


1
Borrowing and Morphologyin some
AmericanLanguages
  • Ewald Hekking Querétaro
  • Dik Bakker Lancaster

2
1. The Languages
3
Spanish
Otomi
Quichua
Guarani
4
Languages
  • 1. Quechua
  • Andean

5
(No Transcript)
6
Languages
  • 1. Quechua
  • Andean (Ecuador Peru)
  • 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers

7
Languages
  • 1. Quechua
  • Andean (Ecuador Peru)
  • 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers
  • Flexible V N A
  • Agglutinating
  • Virtually no prefixes (SOV!)
  • Very many suffixes (Person, TAM, Case)

8
Languages
  • 2. Guaraní
  • Tupi (Paraguay official language)

9
(No Transcript)
10
Languages
  • 2. Guaraní
  • Tupi (Paraguay)
  • Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers

11
Languages
  • 2. Guaraní
  • Tupi (Paraguay)
  • Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers
  • Flexible V N A
  • Fusional
  • Very many prefixes (Person)
  • Many suffixes (TAM, Case/Postpos)

12
Languages
  • 3. Otomí

13
Languages
  • 3. Otomí
  • Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)

14
(No Transcript)
15
Languages
  • 3. Otomí
  • Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)
  • 9 dialects, 200.000 speakers

16
Languages
  • 3. Otomí
  • Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)
  • 9 dialects, 200.000 speakers
  • Rigid only V N , no A
  • Fusional
  • Prefixes on V and N
  • Many suffixes on V, and N

17
2. The Data
18
Data recorded (spoken)
Respondents Dialects Tokens
19
Data recorded
Quechua (JGR) Respondents 38 Dialects 2
Tokens 79,718
20
Data recorded
Quechua Guaraní (JGR) Respondents 38
38 Dialects 2 2 Tokens 79,718 57,828
21
Data recorded
Quechua Guaraní Otomí (EH) Respondents 38
38 59 Dialects 2 2 2 Tokens 79,718
57,828 110,540
22
Data recorded
Quechua Guaraní Otomí Respondents 38
38 59 Dialects 2 2 2 Tokens 79,718
57,828 110,540
23
Example data structure
24
Example data structure
25
Example data structure
26
Example data structure
27
Example data structure
Code switches marked, and excluded
28
3. Borrowing from Spanish
29
Borrowings overall (tokens)
   
   
 
 
   
   
30
Borrowings overall (tokens)
   
   
 
 
   
   
31
Borrowings overall (tokens)
   
   
 
 
   
   
32
Borrowings overall (tokens)
   
   
 
 
   
   
33
Borrowings overall (tokens)
   
   
 
 
   
Significant at 0.5 Same for dialects
   
34
Borrowing (general)
Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
35
Borrowing (general)
  • Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
  • In line with
  • relative length of contact history

36
Borrowing (general)
  • Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
  • In line with
  • relative length of contact history
  • sociolinguistic situation

37
Borrowing (general)
  • Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
  • In line with
  • relative length of contact history
  • sociolinguistic situation
  • amount of bilingualism

38
4. Borrowing Morphology
39
Spanish affixes on native lexemes
-
-
40
Spanish affixes on native lexemes
-
-
41
Spanish affixes on native lexemes
-
-
42
Spanish affixes on native lexemes
-
-
43
Spanish affixes on native lexemes
-
-
No systematic borrowing of Spanish morphology
into the native language
44
Exceptions confirm the rule
Otomi beto grandchild beta granddaughter
(Sp. a F) (but often gender mistakes in
Spanish)
-
-
45
Spanish affix on borrowed lexemes
But what about Spanish morphology on borrowed
N/V/A?
-
-
46
N borrowed with morphology
-
-
47
N borrowed with morphology
-
-
48
N borrowed with morphology
-
-
49
N borrowed with morphology
-
-
50
N borrowed with morphology
-
-
51
N borrowed with morphology
-
-
52
N borrowed with morphology
-
-
53
N borrowed with morphology
-
-
54
N borrowed with morphology
-
-
55
N borrowed with morphology
-
-
56
V borrowed with morphology
-
-
57
V borrowed with morphology
-
-
58
V borrowed with morphology
-
-
59
V borrowed with morphology
-
-
60
V borrowed with morphology
-
-
61
V borrowed with morphology
-
-
62
V borrowed with morphology
-
-
63
V borrowed with morphology
-
-
64
V borrowed with morphology
-
-
65
V borrowed with morphology
-
-
66
V borrowed with morphology
-
-
67
V borrowed with morphology
-
-
68
A borrowed with morphology
-
-
69
A borrowed with morphology
-
-
70
A borrowed with morphology
-
-
71
A borrowed with morphology
-
-
72
A borrowed with morphology
-
-
73
A borrowed with morphology
-
-
74
Spanish borrowed with morphology
N and A mainly in lexicalized form Plural s may
be active on borrowed N and F a on A in
Quechua V typically borrowed with
morphologically active stem vowel in all three
languages
-
-
75
Spanish borrowed with morphology
N and A mainly in lexicalized form Plural s may
be active on borrowed N and F a on A in
Quechua V typically borrowed with
morphologically active stem vowel in all three
languages IS THAT ALL?!
-
-
76
5. Borrowing AND Morphology
77
Borrowing and Morphology
To what extent do borrowed lexemes interact
with native morphology?
-
-
78
Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
79
Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
80
Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
81
Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
82
Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
Almost exclusively suffixing
-
83
Quechua Affixes on Spanish Loans
Almost exclusively suffixing - No apparent
morphological constraints on borrowed V, N and A
-
84
Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
85
Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
86
Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
87
Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
88
Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Most Person markers
-
89
Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Topic/Focus TAM markers Rel markers
-
90
Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Many person markers ( N A )
-
91
Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
Many postpositions PL marker ( N A )
92
Guarani Affixes on Spanish Loans
No constraints detected but often less
fused than on native N/A
93
Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
94
Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
95
Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
96
Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans
-
97
Otomi Affixes on Spanish Loans
Most affixes of native N V, (almost)
same frequencies but several constraints on loan
verbs, so
-
98
6. A bit more on Otomi
99
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
1. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs in
Past.3SG
-
-
100
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
  • 1. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs
  • in Past.3SG
  • pa    sell ? ma
  • tai buy ? dai
  • poni leave ? boni
  • ähä sleep ? ñähä

-
-
101
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
  • 1. Voicing of initial consonant on verbs
  • in Past.3SG
  • pa    sell ? ma
  • tai buy ? dai
  • poni leave ? boni
  • ähä sleep ? ñähä
  • Never on Spanish loan verbs

-
-
102
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
2. Apocope of final unstressed vowel or
syllable before certain verbal suffixes
-
-
103
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
  • 2. Apocope of final unstressed vowel or
  • syllable before certain verbal suffixes
  • pädi know dí     pä-ka     
  • PRES1 know-1.EMPH
  • I know.
  • fatsi help him-bi fax-ki.   
  •                      NEG-PAST3 help-1.OBJ
  •                      He didnt help me.

-
-
104
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
  • 2. Apocope of final unstressed vowel or
  • syllable before certain verbal suffixes
  • pädi know dí     pä-ka     
  • PRES1 know-1.EMPH
  • I know.
  • Never on Spanish loan verbs

-
-
105
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
3. No use of impersonal constructions, which
are rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / -
/h- / n-
-
-
106
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
3. No use of impersonal constructions, which
are rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / -
/h- / n- honi look for ? thoni pa sell ? b
a ne want ? hne juti pay ? njuti
-
-
107
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
3. No use of impersonal constructions, which
are rampant in Otomi, and marked by t- / -
/h- / n- honi look for ? thoni pa sell ? b
a ne want ? hne juti pay ? njuti
1 counterexample h-mända
-
-
108
Otomi morphology and Spanish loans
4. And several other phenomena
-
-
109
7. Conclusion
110
Spanish morphology on native stems
- There is no evidence for any Spanish morphology
employed productively on native stems in
Quechua, Guarani or Otomi ltin our samplegt
-
-
111
Spanish morphology on loans Noun
- Spanish nouns may be borrowed with
inflectional plural /-s/. In Quechua, this
seems to replace the native plural /kuna/ in
those constructions. In Guarani and Otomi it
seems to be lexical - Spanish nouns may be
borrowed with derivational suffixes (Ag,
Dim), mainly in Quechua, and less so Guarani,
but these are arguably lexical
-
-
112
Spanish morphology on loans Verb
- All three languages borrow Spanish verbs with
the morphologically relevant stem vowel
(-a/-e/-i) - This is consistently so for Quechua
and Guarani, but less so for Otomi
-
-
113
Spanish morphology on loans Adj
- Spanish adjectives regularly (15) have the
feminine suffix /-a/ in Quechua and Guarani.
In most cases it is either a nominalization, or
it modifies a Spanish F noun, or a native
noun representing a female referent. Maybe
productive in Quechua. - This is very rare in
Otomi
-
-
114
Native morphology on loans
- In Quechua, borrowed Spanish N, V and A are
fully morphologically integrated they get all
relevant suffixes in the context - In Guarani,
borrowed N, V and A get all native prefixes
and suffixes. For V they are fused, for N and A
less so. - In Otomi, there are several
morphophonological constraints on the full
integration of borrowed lexemes
-
-
115
Summing up
  • - In our sample, no Spanish morphology is
    transferred
  • systematically to native elements (N/V/A)
  • - There is not much morphology borrowed along
  • with Spanish lexical elements (N/V/A).
  • - The degree of morphophonological integration of
  • borrowed elements is high everywhere, but
    corresponds
  • to the amount of overall borrowing, and does
    not seem to
  • be influenced much by the morphological
    typology

-
-
116
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