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Identification and discrimination of the relative onset time of two component tones: Implications fo

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David B. Pisoni (1976-77) Past Studies. Lisker and Abramson (1964, 1970) ... Short-lag voiced stops = voicing onset is simultaneous or briefly lags behind ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: Identification and discrimination of the relative onset time of two component tones: Implications fo


1
Identification and discrimination of the relative
onset time of two component tones Implications
for voicing perception in stops
  • David B. Pisoni (1976-77)

2
Past Studies
  • Lisker and Abramson (1964, 1970)
  • Liberman et al.
  • Mattingly, Liberman, Sydral, and Halwes
  • Eimas (1971)
  • Kuhl Miller (1975)
  • Lasky
  • Streeter
  • Miller et al

3
Lisker and Abramson
  • They investigated
  • Voicing and aspiration differences shown across
    different languages (last class)
  • Differences in timing and glottal activity
  • They discovered 3 modes of voicing (1964)
  • Pre-voiced stops voicing onset precedes the
    release burst (negative onset, -VOT)
  • Short-lag voiced stops voicing onset is
    simultaneous or briefly lags behind the release
    burst (0 VOT)
  • Long-lag voiceless stops in which the voicing
    onset lags behind the release burst (positive
    onset, VOT)

4
Liberman
  • In perceptual experiments done with synthetic
    stimuli they found (1961)
  • Subjects ID and discriminate differences in VOT
    in a categorical-like manner that reflects the
    phonological categories of their language
  • Consistent labeling with sharp crossover points
  • Discontinuities in discrimination that are
    correlated with the abrupt changes in the
    labeling functions
  • Better at discriminating 2 synthetic stimuli from
    2 different phonological categories vs. from the
    the same

5
According to Several
  • Empirical Findings
  • Non-speech signals are perceived in a continuous
    mode
  • No other categorical perception studies had been
    done with synthetic stimuli
  • Non-monotonic discrimination functions are the
    result of labeling processes associated with
    phonetic categorization
  • Interpretation
  • Evidence for the operation of a special mode of
    perceptionSpeech Mode

6
Liberman et al. (1961) Mattingly, Liberman,
Syrdal and Halwes (1971)
  • Are discontinuities in speech discrimination
    functions due to the acoustic or psychophysical
    attributers of the signals themselves rather than
    some speech related labeling process?
  • Found no peaks in the non-speech discrimination
    functions at phoneme boundaries so
  • Conclusion Speech Mode
  • discrimination of speech stimuli were
    attributable to phonetic categorization resulting
    from the stimuli being perceived as speech.

7
Eimas (1971)
  • 2 and 3 month old infants
  • Found that they can discriminate synthetic speech
    sounds varying in VOT much like English speaking
    adults
  • Implication infants have access to mechanisms
    of phonetic categorization
  • Innate mechanisms
  • Responding to phonetic coding VS. psychophysical
    differences
  • Environment plays a secondary role

8
Kuhl and Miller (1975)
  • Study done with chinchillas
  • Trained to respond differently to the consonants
    /d/ and /t/ (human voice)
  • Used synthetic stimuli varying in VOT with a
    sharp crossover point
  • The discrimination functions were similar to
    English speaking human databut chinchillas dont
    have spoken language
  • Suggests a psychophysical basis VS. phonetic
    basis for the labeling behavior
  • Results the boundary for voiced and voiceless
    labial stops occurs at about 25 msecthreshold

9
Lasky et al. (1975)
  • Cross-language studies
  • 4 to 6 1/2 month old infants born to
    Spanish-speaking parents
  • Found evidence for 3-categories in discrimination
  • Boundary occurred in the region of 20 msec and
    60 msec (corresponds to the English
    voiced/voiceless times)
  • And at -20 msec and -60 msec
  • Spanish only has one phoneme boundary b/w voiced
    and voiceless stops and it does not coincide with
    the boundaries they found
  • Conclusion
  • Environment plays minor role
  • Responding to psychophysical attributes

10
Streeter (1976)
  • Kikuyu infants (Kenya)
  • Show evidence of 3 categories of voicing for
    labial stops
  • Kikuyu have no voicing contrasts for labial stops
    (but they exist at other articulation places)
  • Conclusion
  • They had not been exposed to these before
  • Responding to psychophysical attributes
  • Similar to the Laskey et al. research

11
Miller et al. (1976)
  • Non-speech control signals
  • Using VOT in the form of a noise bust and a buzz
  • Adults
  • Results discrimination functions that were
    similar to those found with stop consonants
    differing in VOT
  • Discrimination was excellent for stimuli selected
    from b/w categories and poor for stimuli within a
    category
  • Perceptual threshold
  • Psychophysical account

12
Pisoni
  • Independent from Miller et al. but at the same
    time
  • Used stimuli that varied in temporal order of the
    onsets of 2 component tones at 2 frequencies
    (Figure 1)
  • 500 Hz
  • 1500 Hz
  • -50, 0, 50 msec VOT (ranging in 10 msec
    increments)

13
Pisoni
  • Goals
  • To learn something about how the timing relations
    in stop consonants are perceived
  • To provide a more general account of the diverse
    findings obtained with adults, infants and
    chinchillas on VOT stimulus
  • To provide an account of the results obtained
    with non-speech stimuli

14
Pisoni Experiment I
  • 8 paid volunteers from ad in student paper
  • All were right handed and native English speakers
  • Stimuli (Figure 1)
  • 11 digital two-tone sequences
  • Lower tone 500 Hz
  • Higher tone 1500 Hz
  • Variable is VOT
  • -50
  • 0
  • 50

15
Pisoni Experiment I
  • Stimuli was presented at 80 dB SPL
  • 2 one-hour sessions done over 2 days
  • Day one
  • Identification training sequences
  • Presented with the endpoint stimuli (-50 50)
  • Told to learn (w/their own strategy) which one of
    the 2 buttons was associated w/ea sound
  • Immediate feedback for correct responses

16
Pisoni Experiment I
  • Day two
  • Tested for identification
  • 11 stimuli presented in random order
  • No feedback
  • Tested for ABX discrimination
  • 9 two-step pairs along the continuum
  • Feedback provided for correct responses
  • Told to determine whether the 3rd sound (X) was
    most like the first (A) or second (B) sound
  • Chance performance

17
Pisoni Experiment I
  • Figure 2 (p.1355)
  • Filled in circles labeling functions response
    to 2 end points
  • Sharp and consistent for some
  • Crossover points for the category boundary for 6
    of the 8 are not at 0 but are displaced towards
    the lagging (50) stimuli
  • Why?

18
Pisoni Experiment I
  • Possibly due to limitation on the processing of
    temporal information or
  • Due to Masking of the high frequency (1500 Hz) by
    the low (500 Hz)
  • So, they accounted for that by running a pilot
    study
  • Pilot study (p.1355-56)
  • Results they found no shift in boundary location
    sothe Limitation on the Processing of Temporal
    Information is the more like cause of asymmetry

19
Pisoni Experiment I
  • ABX-discrimination results
  • Open circles Fig. 2
  • Categorical-like discrimination
  • Peaks and troughs
  • S2 ideal

20
Pisoni Experiment I
  • Results from ID and ABX
  • Categorical perception with non-speech signals
  • This form of perception is not unique to speech
    signals
  • Removes one positive line of evidence for the
    Speech Mode theory
  • Questions
  • Are the findings due to labeling process brought
    about by the training process?
  • Or is it do to a simpler psychophysical
    explanation?

21
Pisoni Experiment II
  • Goal (in order to answer the previously asked
    questions)
  • To obtain ABX-discrimination functions before any
    training experience (label training)
  • If peaks in discrimination exist there will be
    reason to suspect a psychophysical basis for the
    observed discrimination functions from E1

22
Pisoni Experiment II
  • 12 volunteers
  • Same 11 stimuli used in E1
  • 2 one-hour sessions held on separate days (no
    label training)
  • 360 ABX trials done ea. day with feedback
  • 9 two-step stimuli comparisons were responded to
    80x by ea subject

23
Pisoni Experiment II
  • Results
  • Figure 3 (p. 1357)
  • 2 patterns shown (except S1 chance)
  • Single peak _at_ approximately 20 msec
  • Double peak _at_ approximately 20 and -20
  • Natural categories are present at places along
    the stimulus continuum marked by narrow regions
    of high sensitivity (thresholds)
  • 3 categories corresponding with the temporal
    events
  • Lower tone leading by 20 msec or more (-)
  • More or less simultaneously within the -20 to 20
    msec region
  • Lower tone lags by 20 msec or more ()

24
Pisoni Experiment II
  • These results contrast
  • Liberman et al. (1961)
  • Mattingly et al. (1971)
  • The above both found
  • Marked differences in discrimination between
    speech and non-speech signals
  • Why?

25
Pisoni Experiment II
  • The lack of familiarity with the stimuli used
    (Liberman synthetic spectograms of /do/ and
    /to/ Mattingly 2nd formant transitions were
    isolated from the rest of the stimulus pattern)
  • The absence of any feedback during the
    discrimination task
  • With complex multidimensional signals it may be
    difficult for subjects to attend to the relevant
    attributes that distinguish these stimuli

26
Pisoni Experiment II
  • Patterns of categorical perception are seen when
    using speech and non-speech stimuli

27
Pisoni Experiment III
  • Goal
  • To demonstrate that subjects can classify these
    same stimuli into three distinct categories whose
    boundaries occur at precisely these regions on
    the continuum

28
Pisoni Experiment III
  • Same training procedure
  • Except3 responses instead of 2
  • 8 additional subjects were recruited
  • Same set of 11 tonal stimuli
  • Took place on 2 separate days

29
Pisoni Experiment III
  • Day 1
  • Shaping and identification training with the 3
    stimuli (-50, 0, 50 msec)
  • Subjects were free to adopt their own coding
    strategies
  • Immediate feedback was provided
  • Day 2
  • Labeling tests were conducted

30
Pisoni Experiment III
  • Figure 4 (p. 1358)
  • All subjects partitioned the stimulus continuum
    into three well-defined categories
  • Boundaries found at approximately -20 and 20
    msec
  • Perceptual threshold
  • Ability to discriminate temporal differences

31
Pisoni Experiment IV
  • Goal
  • Simultaneous vs. non-simultaneous.
  • Having the subjects determine whether there are
    one or two distinct events at stimulus onset

32
Pisoni Experiment IV
  • 8 additional volunteers
  • None had participated previously
  • Same 11 tonal stimuli
  • A single 1-hour session
  • 11 stimuli presented randomly
  • Told to listen to ea sound carefully and then
    determine whether they could hear one or two
    events at stimulus onset
  • No feedback was given

33
Pisoni Experiment IV
  • Figure 5 (p. 1359)
  • All subjects showed similar U-shaped functions
    with sharp crossover points between categories
  • Results
  • The presence of 3 natural categories that may be
    distinguished by the relative discriminability of
    the temporal order of the component events

34
Pisoni Findings
  • A perceptual effect for processing temporal order
    information which may also underlie the
    perception of voicing distinctions in stop
    consonants in initial position
  • There is a perceptual threshold (consistent with
    studies done by Hirsh, Hirsh and Sherrick, and
    Stevens and Klatt) of about 20 msec

35
Pisoni Findings
  • We knowthat VOT (in terms of onset of voicing)
    must be judged in relation to the temporal
    attributes of other events (release from closure)
  • So, these events are ordered in TIME, therefore
    highly distinctive and discriminable changes will
    be produced at various regions along the temporal
    continuum
  • Phonological systems apparently have exploited
    the principle of discriminating discrete
    attributes (natural categories) during the
    evolution of language
  • In other words, weve positioned our phonemes on
    either side of the natural auditory boundary
    provided by the threshold
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