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The Sociology of Chronic Illness

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Title: The Sociology of Chronic Illness


1
The Sociology of Chronic Illness Disability
  • Jonathan Gabe
  • Royal Holloway, University of London

2
Introduction
  • Chronic Illness covers wide range of conditions
  • epilepsy arthritis heart disease - asthma
  • Has temporal dimension chronic khronos (Greek
    for time) long lasting
  • Insidious onset difficult to diagnose
    especially neurological conditions (MS)
  • Uncertain trajectory / outcome
  • - variation in symptoms day to day
  • long term course

3
Reasons for Sociological Interest (1)
  • Ageing Population Structure in Developed
    Societies
  • - demographic transition
  • decline in mortality/death rate all ages
  • - increased life expectancy from birth
  • - chronic diseases associated with later
    life (RA, stroke, CHD, dementia)

4
Reasons for Sociological Interest (2)
  • Problem faced by Medicine in managing /treating
    chronic illness
  • - breakthroughs in treating older people
    (hip replacements, cataract surgery) BUT
  • - doctors can only treat many illnesses of
    old age palliatively
  • - minimise pain / help physical functioning
  • Medicine looked to sociology
  • - understand social psychological consequences
    of chronic illness
  • - inform medical practice

5
Sociological response
  • Socio-medical
  • Interactionist / Post modern
  • - treat together as both concerned with
    meaning of chronic illness consequences
  • Conflict
  • - Disability Studies

6
1. Socio-Medical Approach (1)
  • Developed by sociologists/social researchers in
    university Departments of Public Health 1960s on
  • Aim map extent of chronic illness/consequences
    for people
  • USA focus impact of social conditions on
    chronic illness
  • poverty/social class related to onset of
    disorder
  • - peoples ability to cope (Conover 1973)

7
Socio-Medical Approach (2)
  • UK focus mapping the degree of Impairment
  • - physical changes in peoples bodies
  • UK survey (Harris 1971)
  • - Age and impairment 16-64 years 4
  • - over 65
    28
  • - Gender and impairment women twice as likely
    to be impaired than men

8
Socio-Medical Approach (3)
  • Wood and Bury International Classification of
    Impairments, Disabilities Handicaps (WHO 1980)
  • Found Impairment / Handicap often used
    synonymously
  • Attempt to clarify terminology used in research

9
Impairment, Disability and Handicap (1)
  • Impairment
  • - Abnormality in structure functioning of the
    Body
  • Result of disease or trauma (e.g. road accident)
  • Disability
  • Restrictions to activities as a result of
    impairment
  • Changes to what a person can/cant do e.g.
    everyday tasks such as self care
  • Recent version of the schema uses activities
    rather than disability
  • Handicap
  • Social disadvantages resulting from Disability or
    Impairment
  • Focus on material or social needs
  • Recent version of schema uses participation
    rather than handicap

10
Impairment, Disability and Handicap (2)
  • Relationship between 3 dimensions not necessarily
    direct
  • - some impairments not disabling - disfigured
    from fire but not disabled can still do some
    activities.
  • - BUT can cause handicap response of others
    causes handicap
  • Differences in severity on different dimensions
  • - low degree of disability (tasks undertaken)
    but high degree of handicap (response of others)
  • Disability not just present/absent
  • - involves judgement about degree varies
    with context

11
Impairment, Disability and Handicap (3)
  • Impact of conceptual clarification
  • Research to measure the degree of disability
  • - scale created degree to which peoples
    movement affected by a) limited sight
  • b) limited hearing
  • Overall impact of this work
  • - shifted focus from clinic to everyday life
  • - influenced UK policy benefits now less
    reliant on medical assessment.
  • - BUT little scope for independent
    sociological voice

12
2. Sociological Approaches Interactionism /
Postmodernism
  • Earliest e.g. of interactionist work in USA
  • Strauss (ed) Chronic Illness and Quality of Life
  • Series of condition specific studies
  • Focus on interactional difficulties faced by
    people with disabling illnesses
  • 2 studies as illustrations

13
Chronic Illness and Quality of Life (Anselm
Strauss ed 1975) (1)
  • Rheumatoid Arthritis (Weiner)
  • Focus How people with RA pass for normal
  • Disguise symptoms to avoid negative response
  • Maintain normal life by balancing decisions
  • - balance degree of effort required to remain
    normal V
  • - consequences of not doing so

14
Chronic Illness and Quality of Life (Strauss ed
1975) (2)
  • Respiratory Illness (Fagerhaugh)
  • Focus on way those with RI negotiate way through
    social life
  • Try to manage symptoms of breathlessness lack
    of oxygen
  • Yet symptoms still intrude on quality of life
  • BOTH STUDIES emphasise
  • - need to maintain sense of order self
    identity under conditions of considerable strain

15
Strauss and Interactionism
  • Chronic illness not just biological entity
    patterned by social conditions.
  • Also a negotiated reality shaped by
  • - decisions tactics
  • - employed by patients and others
  • - emphasis on normalisation
  • - varies according to time/ trajectory of
    illness
  • - importance of contingency / context
  • Illustrates symbolic interactionisms view of
    society
  • product of interaction negotiation

16
Interactionist studies in the UK
  • 5 examples Jon Gabe, Mike Bury and Kelly
    Field
  • Living with asthma Gabe et al (2003)
  • Interview based study of 55 young people living
    in London, aged 8-16, 28 male, 27 female, with
    moderate to severe asthma
  • Focused on the meaning of meaning of asthma
    experiencing, explaining, managing

17
Living with asthma
  • Key findings
  • Meaning needs to be related to context of
    everyday life - school and home
  • - clinical epidemiological literature
    focuses only on medical treatment.
  • 2. Children/young people are actively involved
    with their condition and its management
  • - not passive victims of disease
  • - developed strategies to manage it with
    help from friends, parents and teachers
  • 3. Evidence of attempts to normalise having
    asthma
  • - inhaler part of their lives at school
    accepted by other children
  • - dislike it if teachers treat them as
    different

18
Evidence of normalisation
  • So many have got it (asthma) that you cant
    really leave people out (of sport) or everybody
    would be left out. (15 year old male
    interviewee)
  • I know I have asthma and I do limit myself but
    when people say Oh you shouldnt do this because
    you have got asthma. I feel it is unfair, that
    they are blocking you and.. I just make myself do
    it, to show them just because I have got asthma I
    am no different.
  • (11 year old female interviewee)

19
Interactionism the work of Mike Bury
  • Bury (1982, 1991, 1997)
  • Sees chronic illness as disruptive event
  • - disrupting structures of everyday life
  • 3 aspects of disruption
  • Disruption of taken for granted
    assumptions/behaviour about body
  • Disruption to biography self re-examine plans
    for future
  • Response to disruption mobilize resources

20
Chronic Illness as Biographical Disruption (Bury
1982) (1)
  • Interview study of 30 people with RA, 25-54
    years, mainly Female
  • Onset and the Problem of Recognition
  • No one recognised first signs of RA
  • - Swolllen finger/early morning stiffness
    just a nuisance
  • Onset insidious seen as just wear and tear
    too young to get RA
  • Eventually admit symptoms to others see GP

21
The problem of recognition an example
  • Well at first I thought Id broken, chipped
    the bone in the finger, with it being a knuckle.
    I thought, I bet Ive banged it, really, because
    I do bang my hands a lot sometimes and I thought
    Id chipped it and thought it will go off. It
    was months really before I got round to going to
    the doctor because we got married in the July and
    I didnt go to the doctor until September. I just
    thought it was one of those things that would
    clear up. It never dawned on me it would end up
    like this.
  • (female interviewee. In Bury 1982171)

22
Chronic Illness as Biographical Disruption (Bury
1982) (2)
  • Emerging disability and the problem of
    uncertainty
  • Uncertainty about impact and course of condition
    how should behave
  • See disease as separate from self but such
    separation precarious
  • - Disease as outside force yet feel invaded
    by it
  • Diagnosis both a relief source of fear
  • - Prospect of growing dependency

23
Chronic Illness as Biographical Disruption (Bury
1982) (3)
  • Mobilisation of resources
  • Presence/absence of social networks important
  • Opportunity to re-organise workload.
  • - may be limited get little sympathy worry
    about losing job

24
Maintaining normal relations by mobilising
resources at work
  • Were getting some new work .. And some of
    the girls just seem to whistle through it, but it
    takes me all day to do it. She (supervisor)
    wouldnt be too pleased, I know that for a fact.
    Shed say Oh its not worth your while working
    here. Thats the kind of thing you get if they
    know you are going to be off every so often. So I
    dont say anything if Im off, Im just ill. The
    doctor doesnt even put down what is wrong with
    me. I invent something and he puts it on the sick
    note.
  • (female factory worker in Bury 1982176)

25
Health Illness in a Changing Society (Bury 1997)
  • Two types of meaning making when faced with
    Biographical Disruption
  • Meaning as consequence
  • - practical and social consequences
  • - extent symptoms disrupt everyday life /
    increase uncertainty / awareness of disabling
    effects
  • Meaning as significance
  • - deeper level how illness affects identity
  • - how make sense of condition within broader
    cultural context
  • - draw on images
  • negative deformity with RA soiling with
    bowel cancer
  • - more positive CHD because of overwork

26
Coping Strategy Style (Bury 1991) (1)
  • People adapt to challenges to identity life
    style posed by chronic illnesses in 3 ways
  • Coping
  • The way in which people put up with illness
    disability
  • Involves cognitive and emotional dimensions
  • Come to terms with limitations resulting from
    bodily changes
  • Severity of symptoms/stigma attached important
    e.g. for epileptics infrequent seizures easier to
    cope with.

27
Coping, Strategy Style (Bury 1991) (2)
  • Strategies
  • How people try and manage their condition
  • Availability of resources important
  • Level of social support material factors
  • Worst off face most difficulties
  • Style
  • Focus on performance
  • Planning, rehearsing evaluating own actions
    with other people in mind
  • Some choice of style possible keeping active

28
The Body in Chronic Illness (Kelly and Field
1996)
  • Kelly Field argue that sociologists focused too
    much on Meaning of chronic illness
  • Paid insufficient attention the body, especially
    in culture dominated by individualism, self
    awareness body maintenance
  • How does chronic illness impact on the body?
  • Impinges on peoples capacities/shapes identity
  • Attempt to maintain sense of continuity in face
    of bodily change
  • But no longer possible to take body for granted
  • - e.g. when forced to use wheel chair changes
    public identity whatever the meaning of
    impairment for individual

29
Assessment of concept of Biographical Disruption
(1)
  • Concept widely used to understand how people make
    sense of chronic illness - RA to stroke
  • BUT how useful is it? What are its limitations?
  • Based on adult centre model what about
    conditions from birth, early years? Part of self
    from birth biographical continuity
  • Ignores illness as normal crisis for working
    class/elderly
  • - to be expected like hard work or being
    old
  • - stroke seen as not that bad rather than
    shattering life

30
Assessment of concept of Biographical Disruption
(2)
  • 3. Condition might be biographically reinforcing
    instead
  • HIV for haemophiliac confirms life time
    experience of illness
  • - HIV for gay men reaffirms their personal
    and political struggle/identity
  • 4. In post modern world of constant biographical
    re-appraisal ( a consequence of consumer culture)
    - diagnosis of chronic illness just involves one
    more biographical revision.
  • 5 Conclude cant assume chronic illness
    involves biographical disruption need to take
    account of meaning context, timing
    expectation.
  • 6. What is disruptive for some is part of daily
    life for others.

  • (Williams 2000)

31
Postmodern approach to chronic illness (1)
  • According to Frank (2004) need to go beyond
  • - simply documenting patients perspective
  • - how people normalize effects of
    illness/disability
  • Instead focus on the culture in which people
    located and how this provides them with multiple
    discourses to interpret their world, reinvent
    their identities.
  • See chronic illness in positive terms embarking
    on a journey/odyssey
  • - by facing up to what lost transcending it
  • Supports idea of biographical re-invention rather
    than disruption

32
Postmodern approach to chronic illness (2)
  • Instead of people with chronic illness being
    concerned to stabilize/normalize condition.
  • They are seen as embarking on
  • - ceaseless/nomadic journey
  • - a journey with no clear end
  • Chronically ill now part of Remission Society
  • - large numbers of people with chronic
    illness
  • - but recovering from it facing life with
    illness in remission
  • Links between body/self/society not one of
    interactional difficulties but a shifting terrain
    where individuals constructing new identities
  • A useful rebalancing but over optimistic?

33
3) Sociological Approaches Conflict /
Disability studies
  • Developed by Disability Movement academics
    (e.g. Mike Oliver in UK)
  • Conflict theorists critical of interactionism
  • a) focuses on micro / social psychological
    level
  • - ignores structural / macro level
  • b) focuses on specific conditions rather than
    commonality of experience
  • Alternative focus on social oppression not
    personal tragedy rights not needs

34
Social Oppression Model (Oliver 1996) (1)
  • Disability a social not individual phenomenon
  • Disability is socially constructed
  • - a result of practices perceptions that
    seek to exclude those who deviate from norm of
    able bodied e.g. in built environment
  • WHO definition of Disability rejected
  • preferred definition some similarity with WHO
    definition
  • - Handicap Social Disadvantage

35
Social Oppression Model (Oliver 1996) (2)
  • Exclusionary Practices reflect requirements of
    capitalism
  • - define what attributes
  • - productive/acceptable
  • - unproductive/abnormal
  • Portraying Disability as feature of individual
  • - reinforces Ideology of
    Individualism
  • Medicines role to Regulate Manage disability
  • Solution political challenge oppression
    collectively.

36
Impact of social oppression model
  • Gained influence with organisations that fund
    research and practitioners in social care
  • Been criticised by sociologists of chronic
    illness
  • Feel it has an over-socialised view of disability
  • By focusing on political dimension
    discrimination/oppression
  • Ignore fact that many disabled chronically ill
    have needs not just rights especially older
    people
  • People with different chronic conditions have
    different experiences

37
Response of disability movement
  • Reject criticism of sociologists of chronic
    illness as missing the big picture
  • Tension between the 2 positions may be
    irresolvable
  • However some within the disability movement
  • - accept need to make some distinction
    between different impairments
  • - recognise that some of those with
    disabilities have health care needs which others
    dont have.
  • Some sociologists of chronic illness recognise
    must take more account of structural forces

38
Conclusion
  • Discussed three approaches to chronic
    illness/disability
  • Socio-medical model
  • Interactionist/Postmodern
  • Conflict approach of disability movement
  • Each approach asks different questions and thus
    makes a different contribution.
  • Each has a place in a world where chronic illness
    disability growing as part of the demographic
    transition.

39
References
  • Bury, M. (1982) Chronic illness as biographical
    disruption, Sociology of Health and Illness 4
    137-69.
  • Bury, M. (1991) The sociology of chronic illness
    a review of research and prospects, Sociology of
    Health and Illness 13 451-68.
  • Bury, M. (1997) Health Illness in a Changing
    Society, Routledge, London.
  • Conover, P. (1973) Social class and chronic
    illness, International Journal of Health
    Services, 3 357-68.
  • Frank, A. (2004) When bodies need voices. In Bury
    M and Gabe, J. (eds) The Sociology of Health
    Illness A Reader. Routledge, London.
  • Gabe, J. et al (2002) living with asthma the
    experiences of young people at home and at
    school, Social Science Medicine 55, 575-98.
  • Kelly, M. and Field, D. (1996) Medical sociology,
    chronic illness and the body, Sociology of Health
    and Illness 18 241-57
  • Oliver, M. (1996) Understanding Disability From
    Theory to Practice. Macmillan, Basingstoke.
  • Strauss, A. (ed)(1975) Chronic Illness and the
    Quality of Life. Mosby, St Louis.
  • WHO (1980) International Classification of
    Impairments, Disabilities and Handicaps. WHO
  • Williams, S. (2000) Chronic illness as
    biographical disruption or biographical
    disruption as a chronic illness. Sociology of
    Health and Illness, 22, 40-67.
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