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Title: Political Science and Public Administration (Part 2) Lecture-6: Public Administration in Developing Countries


1
Political Science and Public Administration (Part
2) Lecture-6 Public Administration in Developing
Countries
  • Professor Dr. Mohammad Mohabbat Khan
  • Senior most Professor
  • University of Dhaka
  • Department of Public Administration
  • Dhaka -1000
  • Bangladesh

2
Inherent Challenges to Western Bureaucratic
Models
  • Some administrators have assumed that the ethos,
    behavior and technology of western bureaucratic
    organizations can be superimposed upon less
    developed societies without the necessity of
    changing the traditional ideological and
    structural alignments of western practices.
  • Indeed, in some societies one finds highly
    bureaucratized governmental organizations, often
    the product of British or French rule. It is the
    underlying class structures and social values of
    these societies, however, that govern the goals
    and behavioural consequences of these
    bureaucracies.

3
  • Although western technology and values have been
    introduced, traditional ideology and institutions
    have provided subtle and pervasive resistance to
    change.
  • The western model may provide an ideal for
    organizational development, and its clinical use
    may help less developed countries (L.D.C.s)
    achieve goals they have set for themselves, but
    the model rests on certain normative assumptions
    about society, man, motivation and time not found
    in non-western societies.

4
  • Presthus uses the term "welfare bureaucracy to
    emphasize certain basic differences in
    objectives, values and behaviour between the
    western Weberian model and the realiazation of
    the concept of bureaucracy in a less developed
    society. He claims that in traditional society
    the demands and conditions of status and class
    bases of authority as opposed to those of skill
    tend to dominate.

5
  • Recruitment based on achievement rather than
    ascription is an indication of admistrative
    modernization (also one of the pattern variables
    of role definition according to Talcott Parsons)
    that applies in western societies, but is invalid
    in L.D.Cs.
  • In such countries ascription and achievement are
    accepted adjuncts to one another. Limited
    educational opportunities have tended to
    reinforce associations of authority, status and
    class which are also perpetuated through
    administrative structures.

6
  • Western organizational theory takes the need for
    decentralization for granted, to meet the demand
    that authority be delegated to those parts of the
    organization qualified to handle given problems.
    Within LDCs however, traditionally ingrained
    attitudes towards status and power undermine
    willingness to take initiatives and accept
    responsibility within different levels of
    organization. Organizations are often permeated
    by a general "upward-looking" posture, in which
    even high-level administrators seek formal
    authority from above before acting.

7
  • In many LDCs,the power of a signature is a vital
    symbol of centralization and of the authority
    delegated to an individual. Frequent
    interruptions of senior administrators by
    subordinates requesting their signature not only
    reinforce the "upward looking" psychology of the
    organization, but take time which could be used
    effectively elsewhere.
  • A better understanding of an organization's
    climate in a L.D.C. can be gained by viewing the
    organization in terms of the prevailing
    conception of time both the sense of time and
    the way it is valued in L.D.C.s are quite
    different from western assumptions in relation to
    time.

8
  • Rather than viewed as a scarce resource, time is
    considered as a relatively abundant commodity,
    measured in long-term sequences, such as seasons.
    Western man is personally concerned with time
    which he measures out in hours and days, whereas
    in LDCs on the whole man apparently feels little
    or no personal affinity with time.
  • This conception of time is bound up with
    fatalism, based on the proven conclusion that man
    has little control over his own destiny. The
    western belief that man can shape his future by
    the application of logic, rationality and time is
    usually out of context.

9
  • A different conception of time in LDCs
    contributes to a different conception of
    motivation. Western expectations of participation
    in decision making, with the implicit acceptance
    of responsibility and resultant benefit of higher
    morale, contribute towards motivation in western
    organizations.
  • An authoritarian administrative structure in a
    L.D.C. precludes such a basis for motivation. On
    the other hand, motivation in such countries may
    be enhanced by highly structured interpersonal
    relationships and by centralized authority
    patterns.

10
  • Autocratically administered systems often enjoy
    support among personnel at all levels. In LDCs,
    motivation may be positively correlated with
    authoritarian leadership and a minimum of
    participation in the western sense of the term,
    again a reflection of status and class bases of
    authority.
  • Classical western administrative practices
    reflect their origin in a time of relative
    stability of environment. Their intent is to
    stabilize, i.e. impose order on, the environment,
    within a framework of fixed conditions, goals and
    resources.

11
  • In a L.D.C, however, the environment tends to be
    far less stable than that of a developed country.
    A closed administrative system which is designed
    for meeting deterministic ends is not appropriate
    for satisfying the shifting priorities and demand
    of a dynamic environment.
  • Under environmental conditions of intense
    dynamism, or crisis, the bureaucratic model
    becomes dysfunctional. Development administration
    is in a critical period and needs more ideas
    which, however, are bred less frequently within
    controlled environments.

12
The Emergence of Modern State
  • Given practical form by the new nation states of
    Western Europe such as France in the late Middle
    Ages or Prussia in the nineteenth century, the
    old state system rested on the idea that by
    concentrating power in a single head or center,
    the state itself could be sufficiently controlled
    and its environment sufficiently managed to
    achieve self-sufficiency or at least a maximum of
    self-sufficiency in a world which would
    inevitably be hostile or at best neutral toward
    each state's interests and in which alliances
    would reflect temporary coalitions of interests
    that should not be expected to last beyond that
    convergence. The old maxim "No state has
    friends, only interests," typified that
    situation.

13
  • The first powerful nation-states were monarchies,
    advocates of the divine right of kings to protect
    central authority and power. After a series of
    modern revolutions, first in thought, led by
    people like Hobbes, Spinoza, Locke, and Rousseau,
    and then in practice as articulated in The
    Federalist, kings were stripped of their
    exclusive powers and new power centers formed,
    presumably based upon popular citizenship and
    consent but in fact with the same centralized
    powers, only vested in representative assemblies
    and executive officers speaking in the name of
    the state.

14
  • Only in a few cases, where earlier dispersions of
    power had been constitutionalized, did they need
    to be taken into consideration. This led to the
    establishment of federations, forms of federalism
    that combined national supremacy with real
    constituent state powers, at least for purposes
    of foreign relations and usually defense.
  • The second defining element of the nation-state
    was its striving for homogeneity. Every state was
    to be convergent with its nation and every nation
    with its state. Where people did not fit easily
    into that procrustean bed, efforts were made to
    force them into it.

15
  • This was done either through internal pressure
    (as in France where the French government in the
    name of the state warred against Bretons,
    Occetanians, Provencals, and Languadocians, among
    others, even denying them the right to choose
    names for their children that did not appear on
    the official Francophone list), or external (as
    in the Balkans where small national states with
    minorities outside of their state boundaries
    regularly warred with one another in an effort to
    conquer the territories where their fellow
    nationals lived and either exterminate or expel
    those not of the same nationality).

16
  • As a result, modern wars were basically of two
    kinds, either imperialistic wars designed to
    enable more powerful states to become even more
    self-sufficient by seizing control of
    populations, territories and resources that could
    be used in that direction, or nationalist wars
    designed to reunite parts of the nation with the
    national state.
  • In the end, none of these three goals could be
    achieved. In many cases they were not achieved at
    all in others they were achieved temporarily
    until those disadvantaged by them succeeded in
    revolting.

17
  • In still others they proved to be unachievable by
    any sustainable means, usually with a combination
    of all three factors that prevented their
    attainment.
  • As a result, the existing states in the world, 90
    percent contain minorities of 15 percent of their
    population or more within their boundaries (like
    Croatia) and of the remaining 10 percent, almost
    all have large national minorities living outside
    of their state boundaries (like Somalia).

18
  • Since then, matters have gotten more complex, as
    we see by the great resurgence of ethnic conflict
    in one form or another throughout the world, a
    factor that has become one catalyst for the new
    paradigm in its search for ways to overcome those
    conflicts.
  • As we approach the end of the era of the
    politically sovereign nation-state, we also are
    beginning to recognize that state
    self-sufficiency, in reality was never achievable.

19
  • It is well to recall that modern economic
    liberalism, which was essentially based on the
    principle of free trade, emerged shortly after
    the emergence of modern statism with its economic
    basis in mercantilism which sought
    self-sufficiency, because of the problematic of
    mercantilism brought to the fore, inter alia, by
    the American revolution against Great Britain.

20
  • When that policy failed, imperialism replaced it
    -- for the powerful states -- as the means to the
    end of self-sufficiency. Imperialism failed by
    the middle of the twentieth century, not only
    because the subjugated peoples rejected it, but
    because a democratic moral sensibility came to
    affect the subjugators. So the world has had to
    find a new paradigm -- and it seems that we have.

21
Increasing Challenges and Pressures in Developing
Countries
  • Developing Areas, Less Developed Countries, the
    Periphery, the Third World, the South, Emerging
    Marketseach of these conceptually blurry terms
    evokes regions of the world where living
    standards are below (often well below) the global
    average.
  • Developing countries have few financial and
    technical resources with which to limit the
    spread.

22
  • Recurring economic and political crises in
    various parts of the world, serious environmental
    problems, and widespread insecurity about the
    future have increased the gap between rich and
    poor, between countries and also within
    countries.

23
  • The problems have to a large extent been
    stabilized in developed countries that have been
    exposed to substance use for decades, in contrast
    to many developing countries and countries with
    former socialist economies . Alcohol use is
    rising rapidly in some of the developing regions
    early onset and excessive drinking are
    reported large increases in cigarette smoking
    are also documented . For illicit drugs, data are
    more difficult to obtain. Major increases in
    injecting drug use, which carries the highest
    health risks, are recorded opiate injecting in
    eastern European countries and south and
    South-East Asia, and amphetamine injecting in
    many regions.

24
  • In Asia, Africa and Latin America, urban
    populations increased from 16 to 50 of the
    total. Increased stressors and adverse events,
    such as overcrowded and polluted environments,
    poverty and dependence on a cash economy, high
    levels of violence and reduced social support
    have deleterious consequences for mental health
    in general and substance use problems in
    particular, increasing the risk of heavy
    drinking. Half of the urban populations in low-
    and middle-income countries live in poverty, and
    tens of millions are homeless 77 of Brazilian
    street children drink heavily.

25
  • Associated with poverty are unemployment, low
    education and deprivation, all contributing to
    higher prevalence of substance use disorders. In
    countries without organized social welfare
    agencies, the disruption of social networks is
    especially harmful.
  • Migration often results in unemployment and
    difficult living conditions with increased social
    stress, worsened by a lack of social support.

26
  • Developing countries believe they get a raw deal
    when it comes to international trade. These
    problems include
  • Relying on only one or two primary goods as their
    main exports
  • They cannot control the price they get for these
    goods
  • The price they pay for manufactured goods
    increases all the time
  • As the value of their exports changes so much
    long term planning is impossible
  • Increasing the amount of the primary good they
    produce would cause the world price to fall

27
  • Developing countries that try to export
    manufactured goods find that trade barriers are
    put in their way. There are two types of trade
    barrier - quotas and tariffs.
  • A quota is a limit on the amount of goods a
    country can export to another country
  • A tariff is a tax on imports
  • Other problems that developing countries face are
    they are short of the money that is needed to set
    up new businesses and industries. Also,
    developing countries have fewer people who have
    the wealth to buy the goods made in local
    industries.

28
  • The most important trade and environment problems
    in developing countries are deforestation,
    desertification, degradation of coastal areas,
    over fishing, loss of wildlife and other
    biodiversity resources, land degradation, and the
    dumping (by other countries) of wastes,
    environmentally harmful products and obsolete
    technologies

29
  • Many Developing Countries have already
    acknowledged the need to integrate environmental
    considerations into their economic policies and
    poverty alleviation programmes. Several
    Developing Countries have established a National
    Environmental Management Programme (NEMP) or
    similar plan to strengthen institutions, monitor
    and enhance environmental quality, provide
    environmental education and raise public
    awareness. Significantly, however, trade-related
    environmental issues and environment-related
    trade issues have received little or no explicit
    mention in such plans.

30
  • Some of the issues under consideration in the WTO
    Committee on Trade and Environment affect the
    LDCs just as they affect other developing
    countries. Environmental requirements, for
    example, may restrict market access for LDC
    producers in the same way they do for those in
    relatively more advanced developing countries.

31
  • LDC producers, however, lack the capacity and
    flexibility to accommodate such requirements in
    their production processes. This problem has been
    exacerbated by the fact that their exports depend
    on a very limited number of items.
  • In other instances, trade-related environmental
    issues pose a special challenge to LDCs.
    Environmental degradation can reduce their
    capacity to generate export earnings in the
    future. The costs of any environmental
    degradation they may suffer tend to be compounded
    by their lack of economic diversification.

32
  • UNCTAD's Least Developed Countries 1998 Report
    concludes that "the strengthening of LDCs'
    capacities for policy analysis and better
    coordination between trade and environmental
    policies could help to reduce some of the
    obstacles to the achievement of sustainable
    development in LDCs.

33
  • With that goal in mind, and bearing in mind also
    the special characteristics of LDCs, special
    attention should be given to
  • The introduction of effective conservation
    practices, bearing in mind that they tend to be
    ineffective unless they are preceded or
    accompanied by effective income-generation
    programs which meet the basic needs of the
    populations.

34
  • Multi-stakeholder approaches to multifaceted
    problems in specific sectors.
  • Projects designed and implemented at the
    grassroots level, in close cooperation with the
    developmental NGOs in LDCs.
  • Greater policy coherence on the part of the
    international donor community, in particular
    export promotion programmes should be accompanied
    by assistance to LDCs in identifying and
    complying with environmental requirements in the
    sectors concerned.

35
  • Projects in favour of smallholders and small and
    medium-sized enterprises (SMEs).
  • Capacity building in the field of trade and
    environment, including UNCTAD's technical
    co-operation programme for LDCs."

36
  • A recent research study namely Climate Change
    Threat Developing Countries Lack Means to
    Acquire More Efficient Technologies conducted by
    the National Center for Atmospheric Research
    (NCAR) and the University of Colorado, confirms
    that even those advanced nations that are turning
    to more environmentally friendly technologies are
    worsening the outlook for global warming. Their
    economic growth is outstripping the increase in
    efficiency, and the demand for more cars, larger
    houses, and other goods and services is leading
    to ever-increasing emissions of carbon dioxide.

37
  • Many of the products these nations consume come
    from developing countries that are producing more
    but not gaining the wealth needed to increase
    efficiency.
  • As a result, most industrialized and developing
    countries are increasing their emissions of
    carbon dioxide. Overall, global emissions grew at
    an annual rate of 1.3 percent in the 1990s and
    3.3 percent from 2000 to 2006.

38
  • The study has implications for international
    climate change negotiations, such as this week's
    U.N. Climate Change Conference in Poznan, Poland.
    The United States and other technologically
    advanced nations are under pressure to reduce
    their per capita carbon dioxide emissions, while
    developing countries are being urged to adopt
    cleaner technology. The research suggests that
    both goals will be difficult to achieve.

39
  • In addition, if developing countries fail to
    become significantly more prosperous, they may be
    unable to protect their residents from some of
    the more dangerous impacts of climate change,
    such as sea-level rise and more-frequent
    droughts.
  • "Their populations and economic activities will
    not have the availability of resources,
    entitlements, social networks, and governance
    structures deemed particularly important ... for
    them to adapt to the impacts of climate change,"
    the paper states.

40
  • The study also highlights the disparities in per
    capita emissions of carbon dioxide. Of the 72
    countries analyzed, the team found that the
    advanced countries have a tiny share of the
    world's population, yet emit 52.2 percent of
    total carbon dioxide emissions. In contrast,
    one-third of the global population lives in the
    have-not countries, but accounts for just 2.8
    percent of total carbon dioxide emissions.
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