Syntax-semantics mismatches and complex predicate formation in Formosan languages

1
Syntax-semantics mismatches and complex predicate
formation in Formosan languages

• Henry Y. Chang
• Academia Sinica
• henryylc_at_gate.sinica.edu.tw

2
Introduction SVCs in Kavalan

• (1)a.m-atiwiku m-ara tu sunis
• AF-go1S.NOM AF-take OBL child
• I go and bring a child back.
• b.qatiw-an-ku m-ara ya
  sunis
• go-PF-1S.GEN AF-take NOM child
• I go and bring the child back.

3
Observations and generalizations

• Clitic pronouns on the first verb gt first verb as
  the matrix verb
• The first verb can be inflected for either AF or
  NAF, while the second verb can only be inflected
  for AF gt
• (i) The second verb as dependent
• (ii) Syntax-semantic mismatch semantic
  argument of the embedded verb as matrix subject

4
The mismatches are also found in adverbials

• (2)a.paqanas-an-ku tltemgtayta ya
  sulal
• slow-PF-1S.GEN seeltAFgt NOM book
• I read the book slowly.
• b.pataz-an-ku-ti sltemgtupas ya
  qRitun
• often-PF-1S.G-ASP buffltAFgt NOM car
• I buffed my car often. (Chang 2006)

5
The mismatches are not restricted to SVCs Also
found in Paiwan

• (3)a. ku-ltingtacuvung a ma-sengseng a
  kava
• 1S.GEN-finishltPFgt LNKAF-make NOM
  clothes
• I have finished making my clothes.
• b. ku-gltingtalu a kltemgtim
  a hung
• 2S.GEN-slowltPFgt LNK searchltAFgt NOM book
• I searched the book slowly. (Wu 2005)

6
Also in Mayrinax

• (4)a. wah-an i m-itaal ni yumin i
  yaya
• go-LF LNK AF-see GEN Yumin NOM mother
• Yumin went to see his mother.
• b. naqaru-un-mi ima-bahuq ku
  situing la
• finish-PF-1S.GEN AF-wash NOM clothes
  PART
• I have finished washing the clothes.
• (Huang 1995 193)

7
Also in

• Amis
• Saisiyat
• Thao
• Puyuma
• (as reported in Huang (1997))

8
Research question

• Why the mismatches?

9
Raising analogue?

• (5) a. It seems that John is happy.
• b. John seems to be happy.
• (1) b. qatiw-an-ku m-ara ya sunis
  go-PF-1S.GEN AF-take NOM child
• I go and bring a child back.
• b. qatiw-an-ku VP m-ara ti ya sunisi

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Problems with raising analysis

• 1. Unmotivated (NP-movement is case- driven)
• (1) b. qatiw-an-ku VP m-ara ti ya sunisi
• 
  OBL NOM
• 2. The matrix verbs are not of raising verbs
  

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The mismatches are reminiscent of complex
predicate constructions (I)

• (6)a.John ran his shoes threadbare.
• b.John hammered the metal flat.
• (7)a.Zhangsan ku-de shoupa dou shi
  le
• ZS cry-DE handkerchief all
  wet ASP
• Zhangsan cried and he made his \
• handkerchief wet.
• b. Zhangsan ba shoupa dou ku shi
  le
• ZS BA handkerchief all cry
  wet ASP
• c. Zhangsan ku-shi le shoupa
• ZS cry-wet ASP handkerchief
  (J. Huang 1992)

12
The mismatches are reminiscent of complex
predicate constructions (II)

• (8)a.Jean lesa fait reciter a Pierre (French)
• Jean made Pierre recite them.
• b.Maria lafa riparare a Giovanni (Italian)
• Maria makes Giovanni repair it.
• c.Maria lohizo arreglar a Juan (Spanish)
• Maria made Juan fix it. (Rosen 199017)

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My proposal

• Verb sequences in question as complex predicates
  two verbs act as a single predicate
• Complex predicates as argument structure merger
  (Rosen 1990)
• Argument sharing provides the basis for the
  merger
• As head of the clause, the first verb attract the
  major grammatical markers such as TAM and bound
  pronouns.

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Complex predicate formation in Kavalan

• b. qatiw-an-ku m-ara ya sunis
  
• go-PF-1S.GEN AF-take NOM child
• I go and bring the child back.
• go (Actori) take (Actori, patient)
• argument structure merger in the
  syntax
• Complex argument structure go-take (Actor,
  patient)

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Event-sharing in Kavalan

• (2)a. paqanas-an-ku tltemgtata ya sulal
  
• slow-PF-1S.G seeltAFgt NOM book
• I read the book slowly.
• slow (eventi) read (Actor, theme,
  eventi)(Kratzer 1995)
• argument structure merger
• Complex AS slow-read (Actor, theme, event)

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CPs in Tsou (1/2)Evidence from focus harmony

• (09)a. mi-o ahoi bon-U
• AF-1S start(AF) eat-AF
• ta tacUmU
• OBL banana
• I start eating bananas.
• b. os-o ahoz-a an-a
• NAF-1S start-PF eat-PF
• o tacUmU
• NOM banana
• I start eating the bananas. (Chang 2005)

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CPs in Tsou (2/2)Evidence from compounding

• (10)a. mi-o o-hoi ta tacUmU
• AF-1S eat-start(AF)OBL banana
• I start eating bananas.(9a)
• b. os-o o-hoz-a o tacUmU
• NAF-1S eat-start-PF NOM banana
• I start eating the bananas.(9b)

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Event-sharing and CP formation in Tsou

• (11)a.mi-ta butas-o eobak-o ta oko
• AF-3S violent-AF hit-AF OBL child
• He hit a child violently.
• b.i-ta utasv-a eobak-a o
  oko
• NAF-3S violent-PF hit-PF NOM child
• He hit the child violently.

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Evidence for event-as-argument Ambient
serialization in Paamese

• (12)a.ko-muasi-e 0-vaa-hise
• 2SREAL-hit-3S 3SREAL-MULT-how many
• How many times did you hit him?
• b.ni-muasi-e he-haa-relu
• 1SFUT-do-3S 3SFUT-MULT-three
• I will do it three times. (Crowley
  200281)

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Event-sharing in Paamese

• (11)b. ni-muasi-e he-haa-relu
• 1SFUT-do-3S 3SFUT-MULT-three
• I will do it three times. (Crowley
  200281)
• Three-times (eventi) do (agent, patient, eventi)
• argument structure merger
• Complex AS do-three-times (agent, patient, event)

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Typology of CPs

• Resultative/biclausal (Mandarin)
• Causative/Infinitival (French, Paiwan, M.
• Atayal, Amis)
• 3. SVC (Kavalan, Tsou, Seediq, S. Atayal,
• Saisiyat, Thao, Puyuma)
• 4. Verb-particle (English, German)
• 5. Light verb (English, Hindi-Urdu)

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Complex predicate spectrum
biclausal biclausal monoclausal monoclausal monoclausal word
DE- construction infinitive secondary predicate SVC light verb particle construction compound
Chinese Romance, Paiwan, (Amis, M. Atayal) English Chinese Kwa, Oceanic, Chinese, Tsou, Kavalan, Seediq, (W. Atayal, Saisiyat, Puyuma, Thao) Hindi-Urdu Eng, Chin Germanic, Chinese Chinese, Tsou
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Conclusions

• Complex predicate formation is very productive in
  Formosan languages. It cuts across various
  semantic categories (including adverbials) and
  syntactic structures (SVCs and non-SVCs).
• A possible basis for complex predicate formation
  is argument sharing (including event sharing).

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Residual questions

• (13)a.supaR-an-kutiisu tu
  babar-an-na
• know-PF-1S.GASP2S.N OBL beat-PF-3S.G
• I knew that he beat you. (Kavalan)
• b.kula-un-ku-su m-ltungtekan
  ido
• know-PF-1S.N-2S.G AF-ltPERFgteat rice
• You know that I ate rice. (Seediq,
  Chang 199774)
• c.kltingtelang ni kui ti kai tu
• knowltPFgt G Kui NOM Kai
• na-vltengteLi tua kun
• PERF-buyltAFgt OBL skirt
• Kui knew that Kai bought a skirt.
  (Paiwan, Tang 1999536)

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Selected references

• Brill, Isabelle. 2004. Complex predicates in
  Oceanic languages. Mouton de Gruyter.
• Chang, Henry Y. 2005. Focus harmony and
  restructuring in Tsou. Paper presented at AFLA12,
  UCLA, April 30-May 2.
• ___. 2006. The guest playing host Adverbial
  modifiers as matrix verbs in Kavalan. Clausal
  structure and adjuncts in Austronesian languages.
  ed. by Hans-Martin Gartner, Paul Law, and Joachim
  Sabel, 43-82. Berlin Mouton de Gruyter.
• Crowley, Terry T. 2002. Serial Verbs in Oceanic
  a descriptive typology. Oxford
• University Press.
• Huang, James C.-T. 1992. Complex predicates in
  control. Control and grammar, ed.
• by R.K. Larson, S. Iatridou, U. Lahiri and
  J. Higginbotham, pp. 109-147, Kluwer
• Academic Publishers.
• Huang, Lillian M. 1995. A study of Mayrinax
  syntax. Taipei the Crane Publishing Co.
• ____. 1997. Serial verb constructions. Paper
  presented at the Eighth International
• Conference on Austronesian Linguistics,
  Dec. 28-30.
• Kratzer, Angelika. 1995. Stage-level and
  individual-level predicates. The generic book,
  ed. by Gregory N. Carlson and Francis Jeffry
  Pelletier, 125-175, Chicago the Chicago Press.
• Rosen, Sara Thomas. 1990. Argument structure and
  complex predicates. New York
• Garland Publishing.

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Acknowledgements

• Acadmia Sinica and NSC for financial support
• Informants for providing linguistic data
• Isabelle Bril for sharing her ideas with me
• Students at my Formosan syntax seminar at Tsing
  Hua for discussions of various relevant issues
  with me