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JACKSONIAN AMERICA

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Title: JACKSONIAN AMERICA


1
JACKSONIAN AMERICA
2
INTRODUCTION
3
INTRODUCTION
  • When the French aristocrat Alexis de Tocqueville
    visited the USA in 1831, one feature of American
    society struck him as fundamental the general
    equality of among the people.
  • Unlike older societies, in which privilege and
    wealth passed from generation to generation
    within an entrenched upper class, America had no
    rigid distinctions of rank.

4
INTRODUCTION
  • The government of democracy, wrote de
    Tocqueville in his classic Democracy in America
    (1835-1840), brings the notion of political
    rights to the level of the humblest citizens,
    just as the dissemination of wealth brings the
    notion of property within the reach of all
    members of the community.

5
INTRODUCTION
  • Yet he also wondered how long the fluidity of
    American society could survive in the face of the
    growth of mfg., and the rise of the factory
    system.
  • Industrialism, he feared, would create a large
    class of dependent workers and a small group of
    new aristocrats.
  • For, as he explained, at the very moment at
    which the science of manufactures lowers the
    class of workmen, it raises the class of
    masters.
  • Americans, too, questioned the future of their
    democracy in these years of economic and
    territorial growth.

6
INTRODUCTION
  • Some feared that the nations rapid growth would
    produce chaos and insisted that the countrys
    first priority must be to establish order and a
    clear system of authority.

7
INTRODUCTION
  • Others argued that the greatest danger facing the
    nation was privilege and that societys goal
    should be to eliminate the favored status of
    powerful elites and make opportunity more widely
    available.
  • Advocates of this view seized control of the
    federal govt., in 1829 with the inauguration of
    Andrew Jackson.

8
INTRODUCTION
  • AJ and his followers were not egalitarians.
  • They did nothing to challenge the existence of
    slavery.
  • They supervised one of the harshest assaults on
    American Indians in the nations history.
  • They accepted the necessity of economic
    inequality and social gradation.
  • AJ, himself, was a frontier aristocrat.
  • Most of those who served him were people of
    wealth and standing.
  • But they were not aristocrats by birth.
  • They had, they believed, risen to prominence on
    the basis of their own talents and energies.
  • Their goal in public life was to ensure that
    others like themselves would have the opportunity
    to do the same.

9
INTRODUCTION
  • The democratization of govt., over which AJ
    presided was accompanied by lofty rhetoric of
    equality and aroused the excitement of working
    people.

10
INTRODUCTION
  • To the national leaders, who promoted that
    democratization, however, its purpose was not to
    aid farmers and workers.
  • It was even less to assist the truly
    disenfranchised African Americans (both slave
    and free), women, and Native Americans.
  • It was to challenge the power of eastern elites
    for the sake of the rising entrepreneurs of the
    South and the West.

11
JACKSON TRIUMPHANT THE ELECTION OF 1828
12
JACKSON TRIUMPHANT THE ELECTION OF 1828
  • By the time of the 1828 election, a new two party
    system had begun to emerge out of the divisions
    among the Republicans.
  • On one side stood the National Republicans with
    its leader JQA
  • Opposing them were the followers of AJ, who took
    the name of Democrats.
  • The National Republicans supported the economic
    nationalism of the preceding years.

13
JACKSON TRIUMPHANT THE ELECTION OF 1828
  • The Democrats called for an assault on privilege
    and a widening of opportunity.
  • JQA attracted the support of most of the
    remaining Federalists.
  • AJ appealed to a broad coalition that opposed the
    economic aristocracy.
  • The campaign of 1828 quickly degenerated into a
    war of personal invective.

14
JACKSON TRIUMPHANT THE ELECTION OF 1828
  • The Jacksonians charged that JQA as president had
    been guilty of gross waste and had used funds to
    buy gambling devices (a chess set and a billiard
    table) for the White House.
  • They also accused JQA, that while ambassador to
    Russia, he procured for a Russian diplomat the
    services of a young lady.

15
JACKSON TRIUMPHANT THE ELECTION OF 1828
  • JQAs supporters hurled even worse accusations at
    AJ.
  • They called him a murderer and distributed a
    coffin handbill, which listed, within
    coffin-shaped outlines, the names of militiamen
    who AJ was said to have shot in cold blood during
    the War of 1812. (Deserters)

16
JACKSON TRIUMPHANT THE ELCTION OF 1828
  • They also called AJs wife a bigamist.
  • AJ had married Rachel at a time when both
    incorrectly believed her first husband had
    divorced her.

17
JACKSON TRIUMPHANT THE ELECTION OF 1828
  • When Rachel read of the accusations against her
    shortly after the election, she collapsed and , a
    few weeks later died.
  • Not without reason, Jackson blamed his opponents
    for her death.

18
JACKSON TRIUMPHANT THE ELECTION OF 1828
  • AJs victory was decisive but sectional.
  • AJ received 58 of the popular vote and 68 of
    the ev.
  • JQA swept N.E. and showed significant strength in
    the Mid-Atlantic region.

19
JACKSON TRIUPHANT THE ELECTION OF 1828
  • Despite the sectional nature of the election
    returns, Jacksonians considered their victory as
    complete and as important as TJs victory in
    1800.
  • To them, once again, the forces of privilege had
    been driven from Washington, DC.
  • To them, once again, a champion of democracy
    would occupy the White House and restore liberty
    to the people and to the economy.
  • To them, America had entered the age of the
    common man.

20
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICS
21
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICS
  • 3/4/1829 Thousands of Americans from all regions
    of the country, including farmers, workers, and
    others of modest social status, crowded
    Washington, DC, to witness the inauguration of
    Andrew Johnson.
  • After the ceremonies, the rowdy crowd followed AJ
    to the White House.
  • There at a public reception open to all, they
    filled the state rooms to overflowing, trampling
    over one another, soiling the carpets, generally
    ruining the furniture in their eagerness to shake
    the new presidents hand.

22
THE RISE IN MASS POLITICS
  • It was a proud day for the people, wrote Amos
    Kendall, one of AJs closet political associates.
  • General Jackson is their own President.
  • To other observers, the scene was less appealing.

23
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICS
  • Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story looked at the
    inauguration party and remarked with disgust
    The reign of King Mob seems triumphant.

24
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE EXPANDING
ELECTORATE
25
THE RISE IN MASS POLITICSTHE EXPANDING
ELECTORATE
  • What some historians have called the Age of
    Jackson did not advance the cause of economic
    equality.
  • The distribution of wealth and property in USA
    was little different at the end of the Jacksonian
    era than it was at the start.
  • But it did mark a transformation of American
    politics that extended the right to vote widely
    to new groups.

26
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE EXPANDING
ELECTORATE
  • Until the 1820s, relatively few Americans had the
    right to vote.
  • Most states limited the franchise to white male
    property owners or taxpayers or both.
  • This barred an huge number of the less affluent
    from the voting rolls.
  • But even before AJs election, the rules
    governing voting began to expand.
  • Changes came first in Ohio and other new states
    of the West.
  • When these states joined the Union, the adopted
    constitutions that guaranteed all adult white
    males the right to vote and gave all voters the
    right to hold public office.

27
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICS THE EXPANDING
ELECTORATE
  • Other states, concerned about losing population
    to the West and thinking that extending the vote
    might encourage some residents to stay, began to
    grant similar rights to their citizens.
  • They began to drop or reduce the property
    qualifications or taxpaying requirements.
  • Eventually every state democratized its
    electorate to some degree, although some much
    late and less fully than others.

28
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE EXPANDING
ELECTORATE
  • Change provoked resistance, and at times, the
    democratic trend fell short of the aims of more
    radical reformers.
  • EXAMPLE 1820 MA., held a constitutional
    convention.
  • Reform-minded delegates complained that the rich
    were better represented than the poor, both
    because of restrictions on voting and
    officeholding and because of a peculiar system by
    which members of the state senate represented
    property rather than people.

29
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE EXPANDING
ELECTORATE
  • But Daniel Webster, one of the more conservative
    delegates, opposed democratic changes on the
    grounds that power naturally and necessarily
    follows property and that property as such
    should have its weight and influence in political
    arrangement.

30
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE EXPANDING
ELECTORATE
  • Webster and the rest of the conservatives could
    not prevent the reform of the rules for
    representation in the state senate.
  • Nor could they prevent elimination of the
    property requirement for voting.
  • But to the dismay of the radicals, the new
    constitution required that every voter be a
    taxpayer and that the governor be the owner of
    considerable real estate.
  • However, more often than not, the forces of
    democratization prevailed in the states.

31
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE EXPANDING
ELECTORATE
  • 1821 In the NY convention, conservatives led by
    James Kent insisted that a taxpaying requirement
    for voting was not enough and that, at least in
    the election of state senators, the property
    qualification should survive.

32
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE EXPANDING
ELECTORATE
  • Reformers citing the DofI, argued that life,
    liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, not
    property, were the main concerns of society and
    government.
  • The property qualification was abolished.
  • The wave of state reforms was generally peaceful,
    but in RI democratization efforts caused
    considerable instability.

33
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE DORR REBELLION
34
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE DORR REBELLION
  • The RI constitution barred more than half the
    adult males of the state from voting.
  • The conservative legislature, chosen by this
    restricted electorate, blocked all efforts at
    reform.
  • 1840 A lawyer and activist Thomas W. Dorr and a
    group of followers formed a Peoples party, and
    held a convention.

35
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE DORR REBELLION
  • At the convention, Dorr and his followers drafted
    a constitution and then submitted it to a popular
    vote.
  • It was overwhelmingly approved.
  • The existing legislature refused to accept the
    Dorr document and submitted a new constitution of
    its own to the voters.
  • It was narrowly defeated.
  • In the meantime, the Dorrites had begun to set up
    a new government , under their constitution, with
    Dorr as governor.
  • 1842 RI had two governments, both claiming to be
    the legitimate government.

36
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE DORR REBELLION
  • The old state govt., proclaimed that Dorr and his
    followers were rebels and began to arrest them.
  • Meanwhile, the Dorrites made a brief and
    ineffectual effort to capture the state arsenal.
  • The Dorr Rebellion quickly failed.
  • Dorr surrendered and was briefly imprisoned.
  • But the episode helped pressure the old guard to
    draft a new constitution, which greatly expanded
    the suffrage.

37
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSDEMOCRATIC REFORMS
  • The democratization process was far from
    complete.
  • In much of the South, election laws continued to
    favor the planters and politicians of older
    counties and limited the influence of more newly
    settled western areas.
  • Slaves were disenfranchised.

38
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSDEMOCRATIC REFORMS
  • Free blacks could vote nowhere in the South and
    hardly anywhere in the North.
  • PA., amended its state constitution in 1838 to
    strip African Americans of the right to vote they
    had previously enjoyed.
  • In no state could women vote.
  • Nowhere was the ballot secret.
  • Often voters cast a spoken vote instead of a
    written vote.
  • This meant that political leaders could, and
    often did bribe and intimidate them.
  • Yet the number of voters increased far more
    rapidly than the population as a whole.

39
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSDEMOCRATIC REFORMS
  • One of the most striking and important political
    trends of the 19th century was the change in the
    method of choosing presidential electors and the
    dramatic increase in popular participation in the
    process.
  • 1800 The legislature chose the electors in ten
    of the states, and the people in only six.
  • 1828 Electors were chosen in every state except
    SC.
  • Pres. Election of 1824 Less than 27 of adult
    white males voted.
  • Pres. Election of 1828 The figure rose to 57
  • Pres. Election of 1840 80

40
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE LEGITIMATION OF
PARTY
41
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE LEGITIMIZATION OF
PARTY
  • The high level of voter participation was only
    partly the result of an expanded electorate.
  • It was also the result of a growing interest in
    politics and a strengthening of party
    organization and, perhaps equally important,
    party loyalty.
  • Although party competition was part of American
    politics almost from the beginning of the
    republic, acceptance of the idea of party was
    not.
  • For more than 30 years. Most Americans who had
    opinions about the nature of govt., considered
    parties evils to be avoided and thought the
    nation should seek a broad consensus in which
    permanent factional lines would not exist.

42
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE LEGITIMIZATION OF
PARTY
  • 1820s and 1830s Those assumptions gave way to a
    new view that permanent, institutionalized
    parties were a desirable part of the political
    process, that indeed they were essential to
    democracy.

43
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE LEGITIMIZATION OF
PARTY
  • The elevation of the idea of party occurred first
    at the state level, most prominently in New York.
  • There Martin Van Buren led a dissident political
    faction.
  • The years after the War of 1812, this group began
    to challenge the established political leadership.

44
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE LEGITIMIZATION OF
PARTY
  • The established political leadership was led by
    the aristocratic governor, De Witt Clinton.
  • Clinton and his followers dominated the state for
    years.
  • Factional rivalries were not new.
  • But van Burens challenge was.

45
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE LEGITIMIZATION OF
PARTY
  • The Van Buren faction argued that only an
    institutionalized party, based in the people at
    large, could ensure genuine democracy.
  • In the new kind of party ideological commitments
    would be less important than loyalty to the party
    itself.
  • Preservation of the party as an institution
    through favors, rewards, and patronage would be
    the principal of the leadership.
  • Above all, for a party to survive, it must have a
    permanent opposition.
  • Competing parties would give each faction a sense
    of purpose.

46
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE LEGITIMIZATION OF
PARTY
  • Competing parties would force politicians to
    remain continually attuned to the will of the
    people.
  • Competing parties would check and balance each
    other in much the same way that the different
    branches of govt., checked and balanced each
    other.

47
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE LEGITIMIZATION OF
PARTY
  • Late 1820s This new idea of party was spreading
    beyond NY.
  • The election of AJ in 1828, the result of a
    popular movement that seemed to stand apart from
    the usual political elites, seemed further to
    legitimize the idea of party as a popular
    democratic institution.

48
THE RISE OF MASS POLITICSTHE LEGITIMIZATION OF
PARTY
  • 1830s A fully formed two-party system began to
    operate at the national level.
  • Each party was committed to its own existence as
    an institution and willing to accept the
    legitimacy of its opposition.
  • The anti-Jackson forces began to call themselves
    WHIGS.
  • Jacksons followers called themselves Democrats
    no longer Democratic-Republicans thus giving
    a permanent name to what is now the nations
    oldest political party.

49
PRESIDENT OF THE COMMAN MAN
50
PRESIDENT OF THE COMMAN MAN
  • Unlike TJ, AJ was no democratic philosopher.
  • The Democratic Party, much less than AJs DR
    Party, embraced no clear or uniform ideological
    position.
  • But AJ did embrace a distinct, if simple, theory
    of democracy.

51
THE PRESIDENT OF THE COMMAN MAN
  • To AJ, a democratic nation should offer equal
    protection and equal benefits to all white male
    citizens and favor no region or class over
    another.
  • This meant an assault on what AJ and his
    associates considered the citadels of eastern
    aristocracy.
  • It also meant an effort to extend opportunities
    to the rising classes of the West and South.
  • It included a firm commitment to the continuing
    subjugation of African Americans and Indians,
    and, although for different reasons, women.
  • The Jacksonians believed that only by keeping
    these dangerous elements from the body politic
    could the white-male democracy they valued be
    preserved.

52
PRESIDENT OF THE COMMAN MAN AND THE SPOILS SYSTEM
  • AJs first targets were the entrenched
    officeholders in the federal govt., many of whom
    had been in place for a generation or more.
  • Official duties, hew believed, could be made so
    plain and simple that men of intelligence may
    readily qualify themselves for their
    performance.
  • Offices belonged to the people not entrenched
    officeholders.

53
THE PRESIDENT OF THE COMMAN MAN AND THE SPOILS
SYSTEM
  • As one of AJs henchmen, William L. Marcy of NY,
    cynically put it, To the victor belong the
    spoils.

54
THE PRESIDENT OF THE COMMAN MAN AND THE SPOILS MAN
  • In the end, AJ removed a total of no more than
    1/5 of the federal officeholders during his 8 yrs
    in office.
  • Many of them less for partisan reasons than
    because they had misused govt., funds or engaged
    in other corruption.
  • AJ dismissed no more officeholders than AJ had
    dismissed during his presidency.
  • But by embracing the philosophy of the spoils
    system, a system already well entrenched in a
    number of state govts., the AJ admin., helped
    make the right of elected officials to appoint
    their own followers to public office.

55
THE PRESIDENT OF THE COMMAN MAN AND PARTY
CONVENTIONS
56
THE PRESIDENT OF THE COMMON MAN AND PARTY
CONVENTIONS
  • AJs supporters also worked to transform the
    process by which presidential candidates won
    their partys nomination.
  • They resented the congressional caucus, a process
    they believed worked to restrict access to the
    office to those favored by entrenched elites and
    a process AJ had avoided in 1828.
  • 1832 The presidents followers staged a national
    convention to renominate him for the presidency
    one year after the Anti-Masons became the first
    to hold a convention.
  • In later generations, some Americans would see
    the party convention as a source of corruption
    and political exclusivity.

57
THE PRESIDENT OF THE COMMON MAN AND PARTY
CONVENTIONS
  • But those who created it in the 1830s considered
    it a great triumph for democracy.
  • Through the convention, they believed, would
    arise directly from the people, not from
    aristocratic political institutions such as the
    caucus.

58
LIMITED NATURE OF DEMOCRATIC REFORM
  • The spoils system and the political convention
    did serve to limit the power of entrenched
    political elites.
  • But political elites never really transferred
    power to the people.
  • Appts., to office almost always went to prominent
    political allies of the president and his
    associates.
  • Delegates to conventions more often than not were
    members of local party organizations not the
    common man.
  • Political opportunity within the party was
    expanding, but much less so than Jacksonian
    rhetoric suggested.
  • But everyday politics did change dramatically.

59
EVERYDAY POLITICS IN JACKSONIAN AMERICA
60
EVERYDAY POLITICS AND JACKSONIAN AMERICA
  • By the time of AJs presidency, politics had
    become more than a series of political contests.
  • It was a spectacle, a form of mass entertainment,
    a part of Americans daily lives.
  • Every year witnessed elections to some political
    office local, state or national and millions
    took part in parades and rallies organized by
    political parties.
  • Politicians were popular heroes with mass
    followings.

61
EVERYDAY POLITICS IN JACKSONIAN AMERICA
  • Thousands of Americans willingly attended lengthy
    political speeches and debates.
  • An audience of 10,000 was said to have gathered
    on a MA., hillside to hear a speech by the great
    Whig orator Daniel Webster.

62
EVERYDAY POLITICS AND JACKSONIAN AMERICA
  • Newspapers played a greater role in Jacksonian
    America.
  • 1790 90 newspapers
  • 1830 400 newspapers
  • Every significant town had a Democratic and Whig
    newspaper.
  • Ajs Kitchen Cabinet consisted of newspaper
    editors.

63
OUR FEDERAL UNION
64
OUR FEDERAL UNION
  • AJs commitment to extending power beyond
    entrenched elites led him to want to reduce the
    functions of the federal govt.
  • A concentration of power in Washington would, he
    believed, restrict opportunity to people with
    political connections.
  • But AJ also believed in forceful presidential
    leadership and was strongly committed to the
    preservation of the Union.
  • So at the same time that AJ was promoting an
    economic program to reduce the power of the
    national govt., he was asserting the supremacy of
    the Union in the face of a potent challenge.

65
OUR FEDERAL UNION
  • For no sooner had AJ entered office than his own
    VP John C. Calhoun began to champion a
    controversial, and in AJs view dangerous,
    constitutional theory NULLIFICATION

66
CALHOUN AND NULLIFICATION
  • Calhoun was 46 yrs old in 1828, with a
    distinguished past and an apparently promising
    future.
  • But the smoldering issue of the tariff created a
    dilemma for him.
  • Once he had been an outspoken protectionist and
    had strongly supported the Tariff of 1816.
  • But by late 1820s, SC had come to believe that
    the tariff of abominations was responsible for
    the stagnating economy.

67
CALHOUN AND NULLIFICATION
  • But the stagnation was more the result of the
    exhaustion of SCs farmland, which could no
    longer compete effectively with the newly opened
    and fertile lands of the Southwest.
  • Some frustrated Carolinians were ready to
    consider a drastic remedy secession.

68
CALHOUN AND NULLIFICATION
  • The Tariff of 1828 aka the tariff of
    abominations raised taxes on imported goods,
    including cheap cotton cloth used to make clothes
    for slaves, aroused considerable opposition in
    the South, especially South Carolina.

69
CALHOUN AND NULLIFICATION
  • SC was controlled by a tightly knit group of
    large planters (slaveowners).
  • SCs constitution gave plantation counties for
    greater representation in the legislature than
    their population warranted.
  • They had been alarmed by the Missouri crisis and
    the strengthening of national authority by John
    Marshalls Supreme Court.
  • They also believed that the federal govt., must
    be weakened or it may take action against slavery.

70
CALHOUN AND NULLIFICATION
  • Calhouns future political hopes rested on how he
    met this challenge in his home state.
  • He did so by developing a theory that he believed
    offered a moderate alternative to secession the
    theory of nullification.

71
CALHOUN AND NULLIFICATION
  • Drawing from the ideas of Madison and Jefferson
    and their KY and VA Resolutions of 1798-1799 and
    citing the X Amendment, Calhoun argued that since
    the fed., govt., was a creation of the states,
    the states, not the courts or Congress, were the
    final arbiters of the constitutionality of
    federal laws.
  • If a state concluded that Congress had passed an
    unconst., law, then it could hold a special
    convention and declare the federal law null and
    void within the state.
  • The doctrine and the idea of using it to nullify
    the Tariff of 1828 quickly attracted broad
    support in SC.
  • But it did nothing to help Calhouns standing
    within the Jackson Admin.

72
THE RISE OF MARTIN VAN BUREN
73
THE RISE OF MARTIN VAN BUREN
  • Van would emerge as a powerful rival to Calhoun
    within the Jackson Admin.
  • He was about the same age as Calhoun and equally
    ambitious.
  • He won election as gov. of NY in 1828 and then
    resigned in 1829 when AJ appointed him Sec. of
    State.
  • He soon established himself as a member of both
    the official cabinet and the Kitchen Cabinet.
  • Van Burens influence with AJ was unmatched and
    grew stronger as a result of a quarrel over
    etiquette that drove a wedge between AJ and
    Calhoun.
  • This argument over etiquette involved an affair
    between a Jackson Cabinet official and a married
    women.

74
THE RISE OF MARTIN VAN BUREN
  • Peggy ONeale was the attractive daughter of a DC
    tavern keeper with whom both AJ and his friend
    John H. Eaton had taken lodgings while serving as
    senators from TN.
  • ONeale was married, but rumors circulated in DC
    in the mid 1820s that she and the unmarried Sen.
    Eaton were having an affair.
  • ONeales husband died in 1828, and she and Eaton
    were soon married.

75
THE RISE OF MARTIN VAN BUREN
  • A few weeks later, Eaton was appt., Sec. of War
    and thus the new Mrs. Eaton a cabinet wife.
  • The rest of the wives, led by Mrs. Calhoun,
    refused to receive her socially.
  • AJ was furious and demanded that the members of
    the cabinet accept her into their social world.

76
THE RISE OF MARTIN VAN BUREN
  • Calhoun, under pressure from his wife, refused.
  • Van Buren, a widower, befriended the Eatons and
    this ingratiated himself with AJ.
  • 1831 partly a result of the Eaton affair, Aj had
    chosen Van Buren to be his successor ending
    Calhouns dreams of the presidency.

77
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS THE WEBSTER-HAYNE DEBATE
78
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS THE WEBSTER-HAYNE DEBATE
  • 1/1831 As the controversy over nullification
    grew more intense, a great debate occurred in the
    Us Senate over another sectional crisis.
  • In the middle of routine debate over fed., policy
    over western lands, a senator from Conn.,
    suggested that all land sales be temporarily
    discontinued.

79
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS THE WEBSTER-HAYNE DEBATE
  • Robert Y. Hayne, a young senator from SC,
    responded by charging that slowing down the
    growth of the West was a way for the East to
    retain its political and economic power.
  • He hoped his stance would garner support for SCs
    drive to lower the tariff.

80
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS THE WEBSTER-HAYNE DEBATE
  • Hayne argued that both the South and West were
    victims of the tyranny of the Northeast.
  • He hinted that the two regions might combine to
    defend themselves against that tyranny.

81
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS THE WEBSTER-HAYNE DEBATE
  • Daniel Webster, Senator from MA., and
    nationalistic Whig, answered Hayne.
  • Webster attacked Hayne, and through him Calhoun,
    for what he considered their challenge to the
    integrity of the Union in effect challenging
    Hayne to a debate not on public lands and the
    tariff but on the issue of states rights versus
    national power.

82
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS THE WEBSTER-HAYNE DEBATE
  • Hayne, coached by Calhoun, responded with a
    defense of the theory of nullification.
  • Webster, then spent two full afternoons
    delivering what became known as his Second Reply
    to Hayne, a speech that northerners quoted and
    revered for years.
  • He concluded with the ringing appeal Liberty
    and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable.

83
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS DUELING TOASTS
  • Both sides now waited to hear what Pres. Jackson
    thought of the argument.
  • The answer became clear at the annual Dem. Party
    banquet in honor of TJ.
  • After dinner, guests delivered a series of toasts.
  • AJ arrived with a written text in which he had
    underscored certain words Our Federal Union
    it must be preserved.
  • When he spoke he looked directly at Calhoun.

84
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS DUELING TOASTS
  • Van Buren, who stood on his chair to see better,
    thought he saw Calhouns had shake and a trickle
    of wine run down his glass as he responded to the
    Presidents toast with one of his own.
  • Calhoun responded to AJ with this toast The
    Union, next to our liberty most dear.
  • The two most important figures in govt., had
    drawn sharp lines between themselves.
  • Calhoun resigned as VP. He would be elected to
    the US Senate from SC.

85
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS THE COMPROMISE OF 1833
  • 1832 The controversy over nullification produced
    a crisis when SC responded angrily to a
    congressional tariff bill that offered them no
    relief from the 1828 tariff of abominations.
  • The SC legislature summoned a state convention
    which voted to nullify the tariffs of 1828 and
    1832 and to forbid the collection of duties
    within the state.
  • AJ, in his Proclamation on Nullification,
    insisted that nullification was treason and that
    those implementing it were traitors.
  • He strengthened the federal forts in SC and
    ordered a warship and several revenue ships to
    Charleston.

86
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS THE COMPROMISE OF 1833
  • When Congress reconvened early I ren 1833, AJ
    proposed a force bill authorizing the president
    to use the military to see that acts of Congress
    were obeyed.
  • Violence seemed a real possibility.

87
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS THE COMPROMISE OF 1833
  • Calhoun faced a real predicament as he took his
    place in the Senate.
  • Not a single state had come to SCs support the
    tariff and nullification were not sectional
    issues.
  • Even SC itself was divided and could not hope to
    prevail in a showdown with the federal govt.

88
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS THE COMPROMISE OF 1833
  • The timely intervention of Henry Clay, newly
    elected Senator from KY, averted a crisis.
  • Clay devised a compromise by which the tariff
    would be lowered gradually so by 1842, it would
    reach approx., the same levels in 1816.
  • The Compromise of 1833 and the Force Bill were
    passed on 3/1/1833.
  • AJ signed both bills.

89
THE NULLIFICATION CRISIS THE COMPROMISE OF 1833
  • But SC repealed its nullification of the tariffs.
  • But it was unwilling to let Congress have the
    last word.
  • SC nullified the Force Act.
  • This was purely a symbolic act since the tariff
    the force act was directed had already been
    repealed.
  • Calhoun and his followers claimed a victory for
    nullification, which had, they insisted, forced
    the revision of the tariff.
  • But the episode taught Calhoun and his allies
    that no state could defy the federal government
    alone.
  • AJ, despite his states rights leanings, was
    willing to use force to preserve the union.

90
THE REMOVAL OF THE INDIANS
91
THE REMOVAL OF THE INDIANS
  • There had never been any doubt about AJs
    attitude toward the Indian tribes that continued
    to live in the eastern states and territories.
  • He wanted them moved west, beyond the
    Mississippi, out of the way of expanding white
    settlement.
  • AJs antipathy had a special intensity because of
    his experiences leading military campaigns
    against tribes along the southern border.
  • But in most respects, his views were little
    different from those of most other white
    Americans.

92
CHANGING WHITE ATTITUDES TOWARD INDIANS
93
CHANGING WHITE ATTITUDES TOWARD INDIANS
  • In the 18th century, many white Americans
    considered the Indians noble savages. peoples
    without real civilization but with an inherent
    dignity that made civilization possible among
    them.

94
CHANGING WHITE ATTITUDES TOWARD INDIANS
  • By the first decades of the 19th century, this
    paternalistic attitude was giving way to a more
    hostile one, particularly among the whites in
    western states and territories whom AJ came to
    represent.

95
CHANGING WHITE ATTITUDES TOWARD INDIANS
  • Such whites were coming to view Native Americans
    simply as savages, not only uncivilized but
    uncivilizable.
  • Whites, they believed, should not be expected to
    live in close proximity to the tribes.

96
CHANGING WHITE ATTITUDES TOWARD INDIANS
  • White westerners favored removal as well because
    they feared that continued contact between
    expanding white settlements and the Natives would
    result in endless conflict and violence.
  • But they also favored removal because of their
    own insatiable desire for territory
  • The tribes possessed valuable land in the path of
    expanding white settlement.
  • Whites wanted it.
  • Legally only the fed. govt., had authority to
    negotiate with the Natives over land, a result of
    Supreme Court decisions that established the
    tribes, in effect, nations within nations.

97
CHANGING WHITE ATTITUDES TOWARD INDIANS
  • The tribal nations that the Court identified were
    not, however, securely rooted on Native American
    history.
  • The large tribal aggregations with which white
    Americans dealt with were, in fact, relatively
    new entities.

98
CHANGING WHITE ATTITUDES TOWARD INDIANS
  • Most Indians were accustomed to thinking in local
    terms.
  • They created these larger tribes when they
    realized they would need some collective strength
    to deal with whites.
  • But as new and untested political entities, the
    tribes were often weak and divided.
  • The Marshall Court had seemed to acknowledge this
    in declaring the tribes not only sovereign
    nations, but also dependent ones, for whom the
    fed. Govt., had to take considerable
    responsibility.
  • Through most of the 19th century, the govt.,
    interpreted that responsibility as finding ways
    to move Native Americans out of the way of
    expanding white settlements.

99
THE BLACK HAWK WAR
100
THE BLACK HAWK WAR
  • In the Old NW, the long process of expelling the
    woodland Indians culminated in a last battle in
    1831-1832, between white settlers in Ill., and an
    alliance of Sauk, and Fox Indians under the
    fabled and now aged warrior Black Hawk.

101
THE BLACK HAWK WAR
  • An earlier treaty had ceded tribal lands in Ill
    to the USA but Black Hawk and his followers
    refused to recognize the legality of the treaty,
    which a rival tribal faction had signed.
  • Hungry and resentful, a thousand of them crossed
    the river and reoccupied vacant lands in Illinois.
  • White settlers in the region feared that
    resettlement was the beginning of a substantial
    invasion.
  • They assembled the state militia and federal
    troops to repel the invaders.
  • The Black Hawk War had begun.

102
THE BLACK HWAK WAR
  • The Black Hawk War was notable chiefly for the
    viciousness of the white military efforts.
  • White leaders vowed to exterminate the bandit
    collection of Indians and attacked them even
    when Black Hawk attempted to surrender.

103
THE BLACK HAWK WAR
  • The Sauks and Foxes, defeated and starving
    retreated across the Mississippi River int Iowa.
  • White troops (and some bands of Sioux whom they
    encouraged to join the chase) pursued them as
    they fled and slaughtered most of them.

104
THE BLACK HWAK WAR
  • US troops captured Black hawk and sent him on a
    tour of the East, where AJ was one of many
    curious whites who arranged to meet him.
  • TRIVIA What future President served as a capt of
    the militia, but saw no action in the Black Hawk
    War?

105
THE BLACK HAWK WAR
106
THE FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES
107
THE FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES
  • More troubling to the govt., in the 1830s were
    the tribes remaining in the South.
  • In western GA., AL., MS., and FL., lived what
    were known as the Five Civilized Tribes the
    Cherokee, Creek, Seminole, Chickasaw, and Choctaw.
  • Most of whom had established settled agricultural
    societies with successful economies.

108
THE FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES THE CHEROKEE NATION
  • The Cherokee in GA., had formed a particularly
    stable and sophisticated culture, with their own
    written language and a formal constitution (1827)
    that created an independent Cherokee Nation.
  • They were more closely tied to their lands than
    many of the nomadic tribes to the north.

109
THE FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBESTHE CHEROKEE NATION
  • Even some whites argued that the Cherokee, unlike
    other tribes, should be allowed to keep their
    lands, since they had become a civilized
    society and had, under pressure from missionaries
    and govt., agents, given up their traditional
    ways.

110
THE FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES THE CHEROKEE NATION
  • By now the men had given up most of their hunting
    and (like most white men) took over the farming
    themselves.
  • Cherokee women, also like their white
    counterparts, restricted themselves largely to
    domestic tasks.

111
THE INDIAN REMOVAL ACT OF 1830
112
THE INDIAN REMOVAL ACT OF 1830
  • The fed., govt., worked steadily to negotiate
    treaties with the southern Indians that would
    remove them to the West and open their lands for
    white settlement.
  • But the negotiating process often did not proceed
    fast enough to satisfy the regions whites.
  • The state of GAs independent effort to dislodge
    the Creeks, over the objection of President JQ
    Adams, was one example of this impatience.
  • That same impatience became evident early in AJs
    admin., when the legislatures in GA, AL, and MS.,
    began passing laws to regulate the tribes
    remaining in their states.

113
THE INDIAN REMOVAL ACT OF 1830
  • These states received helped from Congress, which
    in 1830 passed the Indian Removal Act with AJs
    approval.
  • The Act appropriated money to finance fed.,
    negotiations with the southern tribes aimed at
    relocating them west.
  • The Act also authorized the use of federal troops
    to remove the tribes from their homeland and
    relocate to the west.

114
THE INDIAN REMOVAL ACT OF 1830
  • The President quickly sent fed., officials to
    negotiate nearly a hundred treaties with the
    remaining tribes.
  • Thus the southern tribes faced a combination of
    pressures from both state and federal governments.

115
THE INDIAN REMOVAL ACT OF 1830
  • Most tribes were too weak to resist, and they
    ceded their lands in return for only token
    payments.
  • Some, however, balked.
  • The Cherokee tried to stop white encroachment by
    appealing to the Supreme Court.

116
CHEROKEE NATION v. GEORGIA 18311
  • In Cherokee v. Georgia (1831), Chief Justice John
    Marshall described Indians as wards of the
    fed., govt..
  • They deserved paternal regard and protection, but
    lacked the standing as citizens that would allow
    the Supreme Court to enforce their rights.
  • The Court could not, therefore, block GAs effort
    to extend its jurisdiction over the tribe.

117
WORCESTER v. GEORGIA 1832 NATIONS WITHIN A NATION
  • In 1832, the Marshall Court seemed to change its
    mind.
  • In Worcester v. Georgia (1832), the Court held
    that Indian nations were a distinct people with
    the right to maintain a separate political
    identity.
  • They must be dealt with by the fed., govt., not
    the states.
  • GAs actions violated the Cherokees treaties
    with Washington, DC.

118
PRESIDENT JACKSON RESPONDS
  • AJs longtime hostility toward Native Americans
    left him with no sympathy for the Cherokees and
    little patience with the Court.
  • He was eager to maintain the support of white
    southerners and westerners in the increasingly
    bitter partisan battles in which his admin., was
    engaged.
  • When CJ Marshall announced the decision in
    Worcester v. Georgia, AJ reportedly responded
    with contempt.
  • He said John Marshall made his decision. Now
    let him enforce it.
  • The decision was not enforced.

119
CHEROKEE RESISTANCE
  • 1835 The fed., govt., extracted a treaty from a
    minority faction of the Cherokees, none of them a
    chosen representative of the Cherokee Nation.
  • The treaty ceded the tribes land to GA in return
    for 5 million and a reservation west of the
    Mississippi River.
  • The great majority of the 17,000 Cherokees did
    not recognize the treaty as legitimate and
    refused to leave their homes.
  • But AJ would not be stopped.
  • He sent an army of 7,000 to round up the
    remaining Cherokees and drive them westward at
    bayonet point.

120
THE TRAIL OF TEARS
121
THE TRAIL OF TEARS
  • About 1,000 Cherokees fled to NC., where the
    fed., govt., eventually provided a small
    reservation for them in the Smokey Mts., which
    survives today.
  • But most of the rest made the long forced journey
    to Indian Territory (OK) beginning in the winter
    of 1838.

122
THE TRAIL OF TEARS
  • Along the way, a Kentuckian observed Even aged
    females, apparently nearly ready to drop in the
    grave, were travelling with heavy burdens
    attached to their backs, sometimes on the frozen
    ground and sometimes on muddy streets, with no
    covering for their feet.

123
THE TRAIL OF TEARS
  • Thousands, perhaps an eighth or more of the
    Cherokees died before or soon after reaching
    their unwanted destination.
  • In the harsh new reservations in which they were
    now forced to live, the survivors never forgot
    the hard journey.

124
THE TRIAL OF TEARS
  • They called their route The Trial Where They
    Cried, the Trail of Tears.
  • AJ claimed that the remnant of that ill-fated
    race. was now beyond the reach of injury or
    oppression.
  • This comment may have been an effort to convince
    himself or others that he had supported removal
    as a way to protect the tribes.

125
NATIVE AMERICAN REMOVAL THE CHOCTAWS
  • The Cherokee were not the only tribe to
    experience the horrors of the Trail of Tears.
  • Virtually all of the Five Civilized Tribes were
    removed.
  • The Choctaws were the first to make the journey.

126
NATIVE AMERICAN REMOVAL THE CREEKS
  • 1836 The Army moved the Creeks of eastern AL and
    western GA.

127
THE TRAIL OF TEARS THE CHICKASAW
  • 1837 The Chickasaw of northern MS were removed.

128
NATIVE AMERICAN REMOVAL
129
NATIVE AMERICAN REMOVAL
  • The govt., thought the Indian Territory was
    safely distant from existing white settlements
    and consisted of land that most whites considered
    undesirable.
  • It had the additional advantage, the govt.,
    believed, of being on the eastern edge of what
    earlier white explorers called the Great
    American Desert.
  • Meaning that the land was unfit for habitation.
  • It seemed unlikely that whites would desire to
    settle there.
  • Thus the prospect of white surrounding the
    reservations and producing conflict seemed remote.

130
THE SEMINOLE WAR 1835-1842
131
THE SEMINOLE WAR 1835-1842
  • Only the Seminole in FL., managed to resist the
    pressures to relocate and even their success was
    limited.
  • The Seminoles had agreed to under pressure to a
    settlement (1832-1833 treaties at Paynes
    Landing), by which they ceded their lands to the
    govt., and agreed to move to Indian Territory
    within 3 yrs.

132
THE SEMINOLE WAR 1835-1842
  • Most did move west, but a substantial minority,
    under the leadership of Chief Osceola, refused to
    leave and staged an uprising to defend their
    land.
  • Joining the Seminole in their struggle was a
    group of runaway slaves who had been living with
    the tribe.

133
THE SEMINOLE WAR 1835-1842
  • The war dragged on for years.
  • AJ sent troops to FL, but the Seminoles with
    their AA associates were masters of guerrilla
    warfare in the jungly Everglades.

134
THE SEMINOLE WAR 1835-1842
  • Even after Osceola had been captured under the
    flag of truce and had died in prison.
  • Even after white troops engaged in a systematic
    campaign of extermination of the Seminoles and
    their black allies.
  • Even after 1,500 white soldiers had died and the
    govt., had spent 20 million the Seminoles
    remained in FL.

135
THE SEMINOLE WAR 1837-1842
  • 1842 The govt., abandoned the war.
  • By then, many of the Seminoles had either been
    killed or forced westward.
  • But the relocation of the Seminoles, unlike the
    other tribes, was never complete.

136
THE MEANING OF REMOVAL
  • By the end of the 1830s, almost all the important
    Indian societies east of the Mississippi had been
    removed to the west.
  • The tribes ceded over 100 million acres of land
    to the fed., govt.
  • In return, they received about 68 million and 32
    million acres in the far less hospitable lands
    west of the Mississippi.
  • There they lived, divided by tribe into a series
    of carefully defined reservations.
  • They lived in a territory surrounded by a string
    of US forts to keep them in and to keep most
    whites out, in a region whose climate and
    topography bore little relation to anything they
    had known before.
  • Eventually even this territory would face
    incursions from whites.

137
ALTERNATIVES TO REMOVAL
  • Whites had been moving west for two centuries and
    this movement would continue.
  • But did expansion really require removal?
  • There were, in theory at least, several
    alternatives to removal.
  • There were examples in the West of whites and
    Indians living side by side and creating a shared
    world.
  • In the pueblos of NM, in the Pacific NW, in parts
    of TX and CA, settlers from Canada, Mexico, and
    the USA had created societies with Indians and
    whites in intimate contact with each other.

138
ALTERNATIVES TO REMOVAL
  • Even during the famous Lewis and Clark
    expedition, white explorers had lived with
    western Indians on terms of such intimacy that
    many of them contracted venereal disease from
    Indian sexual partners.
  • Sometimes these close contacts were beneficial to
    both sides, even reasonably equal.

139
ALTERNATIVES TO REMOVAL
  • Sometimes these relations could be cruel and
    exploitative.
  • But the early multiracial societies of the West
    did not separate whites and Indians.
  • They demonstrated ways in which the two cultures
    could interact, each shaping the other.

140
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR
141
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR INTRODUCTION
  • AJ was very willing to use fed., power against
    rebellious states and Indian nations.
  • On economic issues, however, he was consistently
    opposed to concentrating power either in the
    fed., govt., or in powerful and, in his view,
    aristocratic inst., associated with it.
  • An early example of his skeptical view of fed.,
    power was his 1830 veto of a congressional
    measure providing a subsidy to the proposed
    Maysville Rd in KY.
  • The bill was unconst., AJ argued, because the
    road was lay entirely in KY and was not a part of
    interstate commerce.
  • He also vetoed the bill because, he believed, it
    committed the fed., govt., to what he considered
    extravagant expenditures.

142
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR INTRODUCTION
  • AJs opposition to federal power and aristocratic
    privilege lay behind the most celebrated episode
    of his presidency the war against the Second
    bank of the United States (BUS)

143
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR BIDDLES INSTITUTION
  • 1830s The BUS was a very powerful inst., and it
    is not surprising that it would attract AJs
    wrath.
  • Its stately hq in Philadelphia seemed to
    symbolize the haughty image of itself.
  • It had branches in 29 other cities, making it the
    most powerful and far-flung financial institution
    in the nation.
  • By law, the Bank was the only place that the
    fed., govt., could deposit its own funds the
    govt., owned one-fifth of the Banks stock.
  • It did a tremendous business in general banking.
  • It provided credit to growing enterprises it
    issued bank notes, which served as a dependable
    medium of exchange throughout the country and it
    exercised a restraining effect on state banks.

144
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR BIDDLES INSTITUTION
  • Nicholas Biddle, who served as the BUS president
    from 1823 on, had done much to put the
    institution on a sound and prosperous basis.
  • Nonetheless, AJ was determined to destroy it.

145
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR BIDDLES INSTITUTION
  • Soft-money advocates opposed the Banks
    policies.
  • The soft-money advocates wanted more currency
    in circulation and believed that issuing bank
    notes unsupported by gold and silver was the best
    way to circulate more money.
  • This group opposed to the BUS because it
    restrained the state banks from issuing notes
    freely.

146
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR BIDDLES INSTITUTION
  • Hard-money people believed that gold and silver
    were the only basis for money.
  • They condemned all that issued bank notes,
    including the BUS
  • Soft-money advocates were believers in rapid
    economic growth and speculation hard-money
    advocates embraced older ideas of public virtue
    and looked with suspicion on expansion and
    speculation.

147
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR BIDDLES INSTITUTION
  • AJ supported the hard-money position.
  • Many years before he had been involved in some
    grandiose land and commercial speculations based
    on paper money.
  • His business failed in the Panic of 1797, and he
    fell deeply into debt.
  • After that he became very suspicious of all banks
    and paper currency.
  • But as president he was also sensitive to the
    complaints of his money soft-money supporters in
    the West and the South.
  • He made it clear that he would not support the
    re-chartering of the BUS, which was due to expire
    in 1836.

148
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR BIDDLES INSTITUTION
  • Biddle, unaccustomed to politics, began granting
    favors to influential men who he thought might
    help him preserve the BUS.
  • He turned to Daniel Webster and cultivated a
    close friendship with him.
  • He named Webster the Banks legal counsel and
    director of its Boston branch.

149
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR BIDDLES INSTITUTION
  • Webster was also a heavy borrower from the BUS.
  • Perhaps unsurprisingly, he helped Biddle win the
    support of other important figures, among them
    Henry Clay.

150
JAKCSON AND THE BANK WAR BIDDLES INSTITUTION
  • Clay, Webster, and other advisers persuaded
    Biddle to apply to Congress in 1832 for a bill to
    renew the BUS charter four years ahead of the
    time the original charter would expire.
  • But forcing the vote now would allow the BUS to
    become a major issue in the 1832 national
    elections.
  • Congress passed the recharter bill.
  • AJ vetoed the bill.
  • The BUS supporters in Congress could not
    override the veto.
  • Just as Clay had hoped, the 1832 campaign now
    centered on the future of the BUS.

151
THE ELECTION OF 1832
152
THE ELECTION OF 1832
  • Clay was the unanimous choice of the National
    Republican Party.
  • But the Bank War failed to provide him with the
    winning issue for which he had hoped.
  • AJ, and his running mate Martin van Buren, easily
    defeated Clay and several other candidates.
  • AJ received 55 of the pv and 218 ev.
  • Clay received 42 of the pv and 49 ev.
  • This was a defeat not only for Clay, but also
    Biddle.

153
THE ELECTION OF 1832
154
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR THE MONSTER DESTROYED
155
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR THE MONSTER DESTROYED
  • AJ was now more determined than ever to destroy
    the monster BUS as quickly as possible.
  • He could not legally abolish it before its
    charter expired.
  • Instead, he tried to weaken it.
  • He decided to remove the govts deposits from the
    BUS.
  • His Sec. of Treasury believed that such an action
    would destabilize the financial system and
    refused to give the order.
  • AJ fired him and appointed a new one.

156
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR THE MONSTER DESTROYED
  • When the second Sec. of Treasury also refused to
    remove the govts deposits, AJ fired him too.
  • He then appointed Roger B. Taney as the Sec. of
    Treasury.
  • Taney carried out AJs order.

157
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR THE MONSTER DESTROYED
  • Taney began placing the govts deposits in a
    number of state banks.
  • AJ enemies called these banks pet banks.
  • Biddle did not give up without a fight.

158
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR THE MONSTER DESTROYED
  • Biddle began to call in loans and raised interest
    rates, explaining that without the govts
    deposits the BUS resources were stretched too
    thin.
  • He realized his actions were likely to cause
    financial stress.
  • He hoped a short recession would persuade
    Congress to recharter the BUS.

159
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR THE MONSTER DESTROYED
  • But the struggle had become not just a conflict
    over policy and principle, but a bitter and even
    petulant personal battle between two proud men.
  • Both of them acting recklessly in an effort to
    humiliate and defeat the other.

160
JAKCSON AND THE BANK WAR THE MONSTER DESTROYED
  • As financial conditions worsened in the winter of
    1833-1834, supporters of the BUS blamed AJ
    policies for the recession.
  • They organized meetings around the country and
    sent petitions to Washington urging the
    rechartering of the BUS.
  • But the Jacksonians blamed the recession on
    Biddle and refused to budge.
  • When distressed citizens appealed to AJ for help,
    he dismissively answered, Go to Biddle.

161
JACKSON AND THE BANK WAR THE MONSTER DESTROYED
  • Biddle contracted credit too far even for his own
    allies in the business community, who began to
    fear that in his effort to save his bank he was
    threatening their interests.
  • A group of NY and Boston merchants protested.
  • To appease them, Biddle at last reversed himself
    and began to grant credit in abundance and on
    reasonable terms.
  • His vacillating and unpopular tactics ended his
    chances of winning a recharter of the Bank.

162
JACKSON VICTORIOUS
163
JACKSON VICTORIOUS
  • AJ had won a considerable political victory.
  • But when the BUS died in 1836, the country lost a
    valuable though flawed financial institution and
    was left with a fragmented and chronically
    unstable banking system that would plague the
    economy for more than a century.

164
JACKSON AND THE SUPREME COURT
165
JACKSON AND THE SUPREME COURT
  • In the aftermath of the Bank War, AJ moved
    against the most powerful institution of economic
    nationalism of all the Supreme Court.
  • 1835 CJ John Marshall died.
  • AJ appointed Roger B. Taney as the new CJ.
  • Taney did not bring a sharp break in
    constitutional interpretation.
  • But he gradually helped modify Marshalls
    vigorous nationalism.

166
CHARLES RIVER BRIDGE v. WARREN BRIDGE 1837
  • The clearest indication of the new judicial mood
    was the celebrated case of Charles River Bridge
    v. Warren Bridge of 1837.
  • The case involved two MA., companies over the
    right to build a bridge across the Charles River
    between Boston and Cambridge.

167
CHARLES RIVER BRIDGE v. WARREN BRIDGE 1837
  • One company had a long standing charter from the
    state to operate a toll bridge and claimed that
    this charter guaranteed it a monopoly of the
    bridge traffic.
  • Another company had applied to t
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