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NATIONAL SYSTEMS OF INNOVATION IN LATIN AMERICA: DEVELOPMENT

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NATIONAL SYSTEMS OF INNOVATION IN LATIN AMERICA: DEVELOPMENT & STRUCTURAL REFORMS Jos E Cassiolato UFRJ Globelics Lisbon 28/05/2004 Latin America is a heterogeneous ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: NATIONAL SYSTEMS OF INNOVATION IN LATIN AMERICA: DEVELOPMENT


1
NATIONAL SYSTEMS OF INNOVATION IN LATIN AMERICA
DEVELOPMENT STRUCTURAL REFORMS
  • José E Cassiolato
  • UFRJ
  • Globelics
  • Lisbon 28/05/2004

2
Latin America is a heterogeneous mix of
subregional economies
  • Small Central American and Caribbean nations are
    highly dependent on exports of agricultural
    products and traditional manufactures like
    apparel
  • The Andean countries (Venezuela, Peru, Ecuador,
    Bolivia, and Colombia) are almost exclusively
    primary-product exporters, with the exception of
    Colombia where manufactured exports make up
    one-third of the total.
  • Southern Cone countries (Argentina, Chile, and
    Uruguay) also emphasise primary products,
    although they have more developed manufacturing
    sectors than the Andean nations.
  • By contrast, in the regions two largest
    economies Brazil and Mexico manufactured
    exports account for more than one-half and three
    quarters, respectively, of total exports.

3
Latin America is a heterogeneous mix of
subregional economies
  • Furthermore, the dominance of Brazil and Mexico
    in the regions exports increases in proportion
    to the technological complexity of goods the two
    countries accounted in the late 1990s, for 60 of
    traditional exports, 77 of basic intermediate
    inputs, and 85 of Latin Americas exports of
    advanced industrial products.
  • The acute financial crisis in Asia has
    contributed to the dramatic improvement in Latin
    America and the Caribbeans position as a
    destination for foreign direct investment (FDI)
    in the 1990s, with the increase in FDI to the
    region doubling from US 33 billion to 65
    billion between 1995 and 1997.
  • However, one-half of total FDI in 1997 went to
    just two countries, Brazil (30) and Mexico
    (19), reinforcing the existing disparities in
    the region.

4
NSI in LA nowadays
  • how structural reforms are influencing
    technological behaviour throughout the Latin
    American production structure.
  • how trade liberalisation and market de-regulation
    efforts are affecting the way in which firms
    import, generate, adapt, diffuse and use new
    technologies
  • how the new patterns of behaviour compare with
    those prevailing during the import-substitution
    period.

5
NSI the co-evolution of micro, meso and
macroeconomic forces
  • 1 - At micro level learning strategy of each
    individual firm and its success along such front.
  • How much does it spend in RD and engineering
    activities ?
  • How much does it get out of such expenditure in
    terms of new products and production processes or
    in terms of improvements of those that it already
    had?
  • How much attention does it provide to human
    capital training interacting with universities,
    technical schools and the like?

6
Technological behaviour is determined by the
co-evolution of micro, meso and macroeconomic
forces
  • 2 - At the meso level
  • the competitive and technological regime in which
    each particular industry operates.
  • the spatial dimension - local innovative and
    productive systems
  • 3 - At the macro level
  • The national and the international dimensions
  • Explicit versus implicit policies
  • Organisations, regulatory systems, institutions
    and public policies applied in the field of
    science and technology.
  • How much does a country spend in RD activities?
  • What is the relative public/private involvement
    in knowledge generation and diffusion efforts?
    etc.
  • What is the role of the financial sector?

7
PRODUCTION ORGANIZATION AND TECHNOLOGICAL
BEHAVIOR DURING THE IMPORT SUBSTITUTION PERIOD.
  • Aggregate RD spending and at the structure of
    the knowledge-generation efforts undertaken by
    Latin American countries during the ISI period,
  • Expenditure in RD as a percentage of GDP, has
    always been low in Latin America, especially if
    we compare with OECD countries and with the
    emerging economies of South-East Asia.
  • As a rule, RD expenditure has never been much
    more than half a percentage point of GDP, even in
    the region's larger economies
  • The nature of the innovative culture -
    centered around public RD agencies - that
    developed throughout those years.

8
Knowledge generation efforts in the public sector
of the economy.
  • Public-sector enterprises and RD laboratories
    and technological institutes were created in
    Latin America during the Second World War and
    throughout the 1950s.
  • The State took as its responsibility
  • the production of many goods and services, such
    as energy, transportation, telecommunications,
    urban sanitation services, etc.
  • the development of many of the so called heavy
    industries related to the defence sector of the
    economy, including iron and steel,
    petrochemicals or aluminium.
  • In order to expand into such activities
    governments found it necessary to design, build
    and maintain a large number of new production
    facilities.
  • Different public firms undertook responsibility
    for producing complex goods and services thus
    requiring a significant amount of technological
    capabilities and expertise.

9
Knowledge generation efforts in the public sector
of the economy.
  • Geo-political issues played a major role in
    explaining
  • some of the scientific and technological efforts
    undertaken, for example, by Argentina or Brazil
    in order to develop domestic technological
    capabilities both in the nuclear field as well as
    in aeronautics.
  • Some policy decisions
  • Public sector undertook responsibility for
    establishing RD institutes and laboratories,
    providing them with equipment, trained personnel
    and research budgets.
  • Armed forces played a role of their own in this
    sphere strongly influencing in many countries the
    nature of the scientific and technological
    activities thereafter undertaken.

10
Knowledge generation efforts in the public sector
of the economy.
  • State-owned public utilities created their own
    engineering and RD departments in order to study
    the specificity of local demand and better to
    understand the nature of the locally-available
    natural resources.
  • These engineering departments fulfilled a vital
    role in designing and maintaining the new
    production facilities brought on stream by public
    sector firms such as YPF, Pemex, Petrobras, etc.
    in the petroleum field, Usiminas (Brazil), Somisa
    (Argentina), Lázaro Cárdenas (Mexico) in the Iron
    and Steel industry, etc.

11
Knowledge generation efforts in the public sector
of the economy.
  • As a result, and within a short period of time, a
    large number of public RD and engineering
    centers emerged, representing the core of the
    National System of Innovation of that period.
    This is where the bulk of ST funds were spent,
    and where most of the human capital training took
    place during the post-war years.
  • Pari pasu with the above a large number of public
    financial agencies (BANADE, BNDE, NAFINSA, CORFO,
    etc.) emerged. These agencies took
    responsibility for the funding of large-scale
    investment projects, including technology.

12
Knowledge generation efforts in the public sector
of the economy.
  • State with public banks and development
    agencies, designed and built up many large-scale
    production facilities in
  • heavy industries
  • public services such as energy,
    telecommunications, etc.
  • Numerous studies document the crucial role played
    by public agencies during the ISI period
    developing the scientific and technological
    infrastructure, training human resources, and
    designing and financing the erection of
    large-scale production facilities in the above
    mentioned fields.
  • Far from telling a story of failure, many of
    these studies tell a story of success, resulting
    in the timely development of domestic
    technological capabilities.

13
Knowledge generation efforts in the public sector
of the economy.
  • We also get a similar picture of success when we
    look at the performance of State-run agricultural
    institutes such as INTA in Argentina, EMBRAPA in
    Brazil, INIA in Chile, etc.
  • These agencies made great progress in the design
    and testing of agricultural equipment, in
    delivering agricultural extension services, etc.

14
Technology-generation efforts in the private
sector of the economy.
  • Domestic subsidiaries of transnational
    corporations
  • Locally-owned companies
  • Small and medium-sized enterprises
  • Large domestic conglomerates

15
Domestic subsidiaries of transnational
corporations
  • A large number of foreign companies arrived in
    the region in the second half of the 1950s and
    throughout the 1960s, bringing with them new
    product, process and organizational technologies
    that were often unknown in the domestic
    production environment.
  • Local engineering capabilities and the
    functioning of the National Innovation System
    changed quite significantly as a consequence of
    their arrival.
  • These firms did not come to Latin America with
    the idea of developing a local technological
    infrastructure, but many of them found that they
    needed to do so in order to operate in a highly
    idiosyncratic production and institutional
    environment.

16
Domestic subsidiaries of transnational
corporations
  • Given the firm-specific nature of much industrial
    technology, these enterprises had to adapt to
    the local circumstances production routines and
    organizational know how that was originally
    created in their headquarters to be utilized in a
    very different context.
  • As a result many of these firms found it
    necessary to create "localized" engineering
    departments and supplier development programs
    that were geared to the needs, operational scale
    and organizational patterns of local production.
  • Such technological efforts could perhaps be
    regarded as minor or incremental although in
    more than a few occasions they demanded
    experimental work, the use of pilot plants, and
    involved a significant amount of new knowledge
    generation within the firm.

17
Locally-owned companies
  • Small and medium-sized enterprises, most of which
    were family-owned firms.
  • A large number of locally-owned SMEs developed in
    Latin America during the 1940s and 1950s
    induced by high tariff protection and subsidized
    government financing.
  • Many of these firms were family-owned companies
    that engaged themselves in the production of
    textiles and garments, footwear, machine tools,
    furniture, farm machinery, etc.
  • Even though many of these firms often started out
    as repair shops using second-hand machinery and
    very little under the form of production
    organization know how, it is to be noted that
    many of them grew quite rapidly during the 1950s
    and 1960s.

18
Locally-owned companies
  • Many of them managed to put together their own
    technical and engineering departments, designing
    new products and developing new production
    processes, training their own workers and
    technicians and making rapid progress along a
    highly idiosyncratic long-term learning path.
  • Technological learning process in this type of
    firms was more haphazard and less systematic.
  • Focused primarily upon copying foreign product
    designs to which local consumers had become
    accustomed in the past, without worrying too much
    about issues of costs or quality.

19
Large domestic conglomerates
  • Raw material processing industries and produce
    highly standardized commodities as pulp and
    paper, iron and steel, vegetable oil, cooper,
    petrochemicals etc.
  • These are mostly machine-paced industries in
    which technical progress tends to be embodied
    in new equipment and originates in the capital
    goods industries catering for their needs.
  • However, tend to carry out a significant amount
    of in house engineering efforts with the
    purpose of adapting to the local raw materials
    and production environment the generic
    machinery and equipment they purchase from
    equipment suppliers.

20
Large domestic conglomerates
  • Many found it necessary to set up formal
    engineering departmentsin order to
  • supply themselves with incremental units of
    technical know how with which to improve
    production processes and
  • understand the highly idiosyncratic nature of
    the local raw materials they were dealing with.
  • Unlike large industrial commodity producers in
    developed countries (pulp and paper in Sweden and
    Finland, cooper in Canada or Australia, etc.),
    the large Latin American conglomerates engaged in
    raw material processing industries did not
    undertake significant efforts developing in
    house engineering and RD capabilities with the
    aim of increasing domestic value added moving
    into more complex products and specialties.

21
. An overview on the functioning of the national
innovation system during the ISI period.
  • Close to 80 of the RD efforts carried out
    during the ISI period were financed by the Public
    sector and were performed by public labs and
    engineering departments of firms producing
    energy, telecom, etc.
  • National innovation systems of the ISI period
    also featured small in house engineering
    departments of local subsidiaries of
    transnational corporations, of locally-owned
    conglomerates and of a large number of newly
    emerging family-owned SMEs
  • These different groups of firms public
    enterprises, subsidiaries of large MNCs,
    family-owned SMES, etc.) moved along a highly
    idiosyncratic and firm-specific learning curve,
    as they matured through time.
  • Each of them faced different needs and
    opportunities as far as technological and
    innovative behavior in concerned.

22
An overview on the functioning of the national
innovation system during the ISI period.
  • Their technological interaction was very low
    National innovation systems developed as
    fragmented and uncoordinated aggregates which
    lacked in purpose and sense of direction.
  • State-owned enterprises established their RD
    laboratories and engineering departments in order
    to design and operate a large number of new
    production facilities engaged in the production
    of public services such as energy or
    telecommunications, as well as a number of goods
    required by the defence sector of the economy.
  • For such purpose these firms undertook
    responsibility for the development of human
    capital and for the design and construction of
    many new production facilities. .

23
An overview on the functioning of the national
innovation system during the ISI period.
  • Several problems
  • Some successes
  • Sectoral and local systems (as aircraft and
    telecom in Brazil agro-industry systems)
  • Skill base
  • Infrastructure
  • Is the above picture changing, now that the
    region is moving toward trade liberalization and
    market de-regulations?

24
CHANGES IN THE NATIONAL INNOVATION SYSTEM AS A
RESUT OF TRADE LIBERALIZATION AND MARKET
DE-REGULATION EFFORTS.
  • Recent structural reforms and the rapid process
    of diffusion of computer-based production
    technologies, on the other, are significantly
    changing
  • the technological behavior of individual
    economic agents,
  • the structure and performance of markets, and
  • the nature and functioning of the institutions
    and agencies that belong in the national
    innovation system of each of the countries in the
    region.

25
The 1990s - How structural change
(liberalization, deregulation and privatization)
affected systems of innovation in Latin America
  • 1 - Tariff protection on imported capital goods
    has been sharply reduced.
  • Less expensive and more easily accessible pieces
    of machinery and equipment have become available
    facilitating their substitution for
    locally-produced capital goods, as well as for
    engineering manpower and unskilled labor .

26
The 1990s - How structural change
(liberalization, deregulation and privatization)
affected systems of innovation in Latin America
  • 2 - In house RD efforts and engineering
    activities have been reduced by many firm in
    recent years.
  • Privatized companies (telecom, energy, transport,
    etc services which now operate on the basis of
    technology and engineering services brought from
    their respective headquarters and capital goods
    supplied by their international suppliers.
  • Domestic subsidiaries of large MNCs which have
    de-verticalized their production organization
    routines becoming part of Internationally
    Integrated Production Systems (IIPS) coordinated
    by their respective headquarters.

27
The 1990s - How structural change
(liberalization, deregulation and privatization)
affected systems of innovation in Latin America
  • 3 - New computer-based production technologies
    are rapidly diffusing in the economy making
    real-time production organization a growing
    feature of the local production environment, at
    least among domestic subsidiaries of
    transnational corporations and large local
    conglomerates.
  • Such a transition demanded a rapid
    professionalization of management staff as well
    as the absorption of international quality
    control norms and standards.
  • This has not so far been succesfully undertaken
    by the large majority of family-owned SMEs.

28
The 1990s - How structural change
(liberalization, deregulation and privatization)
affected systems of innovation in Latin America
  • 4 - The privatization of State-owned public
    companies resulted in upgrading and modernization
    of telecommunications, water and sanitation,
    energy and transport services.
  • It is paradoxical that it has been obtained at
    the cost of a much smaller utilization of
    locally-available technological capabilities,
  • the new owners themselves public companies from
    more developed industrial countries reorganized
    their local operation on the basis of technology
    and engineering services brought from their
    respective headquarters or from international
    subcontractors.

29
The 1990s - How structural change
(liberalization, deregulation and privatization)
affected systems of innovation in Latin America
  • 5 - Public RD institutes and laboratories
  • change in incentive regime access to public
    funding has been considerably reduced.
  • changed instructure and performance.
  • forced to search for funding in the private
    sector of the economy for as much as two thirds
    of their operating budget.
  • their response has been to downgrade their
    research efforts, concentrating on metrology,
    quality control routines and other standardized
    technical services to production, more easy to be
    sold to private firms in the economy .

30
The 1990s - How structural change
(liberalization, deregulation and privatization)
affected systems of innovation in Latin America
  • 6 - Government policies
  • Demand-side subsidies for the allocation of RD
    funds.
  • Promotion of University/industry links
  • Major public universities have now been
    transformed in quasi-private organizations.
  • Intellectual property
  • rights have been significantly increased
    extending patentability to fields such as
    pharmaceuticals, computer software,
    microorganisms, etc.and gradually incorporating
    WTO disciplines.

31
Results
  • Market forces have induced the re-structuring of
    Latin American economies
  • in the direction of static comparative
    advantages, i.e. sectors making use of unskilled
    labour and natural resources,
  • against knowledge-intensive activities
    involving the use of domestic engineering
    capabilities and more basic RD efforts.
  • LA countries
  • specialized in low domestic value added
    commodities,
  • price takers in extremely competitive
    international markets (pulp and paper, fishmeal,
    vegetable oil, steel, aluminum, etc).
  • external sector presents long term fragility
    (low demand elasticity of such commodities)
  • Contrarywise, they have become avid importers of
    engineering intensive capital goods and
    machinery.

32
Results
  • Very little of the public-good nature of
    technology and of the need for a national
    strategy in the field of knowledge-generation
    and know-how dissemination activities normally to
    be found in more mature industrial societies has
    actually permeated to Latin American government
    spheres.
  • Orthodox policy making still regards technology
    as a pure private matter and the macro
    fundamentals of the economy as the only set of
    forces government should be involved with.
  • There is very little debate in the region as to
    the complex institutional fabric underlying
    knowledge-generation and technological diffusion
    activities.

33
Strategies of MNCs in Latin America During the
1990s
Source Cassiolato and Lastres 2000 (adapted from
CEPAL 2000)
34
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35
Latin America Trade Balance Selected
CountriesManufacturing Industry and Technology
Intensive Sectors (1970-1999)
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