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The US-China Marriage of Convenience: Prospects for Global Imbalances and Economic Recovery

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Title: The US-China Marriage of Convenience: Prospects for Global Imbalances and Economic Recovery


1
The US-China Marriage of Convenience
Prospects for Global Imbalances and Economic
Recovery
  • Terry McKinley
  • Director, Centre for Development Policy and
    Research,
  • School of Oriental and African Studies
  • Presentation, 29 January 2010, Delhi Conference,
  • Recovery or Bubble? The Global Economy Today

2
The Starting-Point of The Debate
  • The US and China remain locked together in
    interdependence
  • China has relied, for some time, on the US as a
    market for its exports
  • The US now relies on China as the prime lender
    that can continue financing its massive
    current-account deficits
  • Is China equally to blame for global imbalances
    and the failure to reduce them?
  • Will the US continue to run huge current-account
    deficits and undermine the basis for global
    recovery?

3
Pinning the Blame on China for Global Imbalances
  • China is often blamed for causing global
    imbalances, mainly through exchange-rate
    manipulation (US Treasury Secretary Geithners
    early 2009 criticism)
  • China has pegged the value of renminbi to the US
    dollar (for a while loosely, until 2008)
  • Martin Wolf, the well-known columnist of the
    Financial Times, has laid the basis for blaming
    China in a series of columns on the global
    crisis
  • The driving force behind these global
    imbalances has been the policies of surplus
    countries and particularly China (January 20,
    2009)
  • The world cannot safely absorb the current
    account surpluses that China is likely to
    generate under its current development path
    (April 7, 2009)

4
What Is the Main Source of Global Instability?
  • The main source of global instability is located
    not in China but in the US, which is the worlds
    dominant, reserve-currency country, and its most
    profligate spender
  • It has regularly spent beyond its income level,
    based on borrowing from abroad (e.g., from
    China!!!)
  • Being the dominant reserve-currency country gives
    it greater freedom to do so (adjusting at its own
    pace)
  • A Major Question Will US current-account
    deficits undergo enough adjustment in order to
    substantially reduce global imbalances and remove
    the basis for renewed crisis?

5
The Basis for the US Over-Consumption Binge
  • What were the origins of the US crisis?
  • During the 1990s, current-account deficits were
    substantially increasing and Reagans huge fiscal
    deficits from the 1980s were being reduced by the
    Clinton administration
  • External demand and public-sector demand for
    goods and services were declining. But the
    biggest problem was the ballooning
    current-account deficits
  • This drag implied that the private sector (either
    households or corporations) had to be the main
    source for supplying additional aggregate demand
    to the US economy in order to maintain economic
    growth

6
The Basis for the US Over-Consumption Binge
  • The US household sector began to spend well above
    its income level its net savings declined from
    3 of GNP in the early 1990s to a deficit of -4
    of GNP!
  • Households were increasingly borrowing to sustain
    higher levels of consumption and housing
    investment
  • But why did households borrow so heavily? Their
    personal assets (equities and housing stock)
    seemed to be inexorably appreciating in value
  • This process was sustainable only as long as
    asset appreciation kept pace with the rise of
    household liabilitiesand interest rates remained
    low

7
The Basis for the US Over-Consumption Binge
  • But the stock market bubble burst in 2001
  • The US government responded with very
    expansionary fiscal and monetary policieskeeping
    interest rates low and fuelling, in effect, a
    larger ensuing financial crisis caused by the
    real-estate bubble (exacerbated, indeed, by new
    complex forms of leveraging of risk and lax
    regulation)
  • US current-account deficits began to balloon
    dramatically in the early 2000s, requiring the
    need for more external borrowing, that is, more
    purchase of US Treasury Securities by foreign
    central banks (such as Chinas)
  • Identifying such purchases of securities by China
    and other surplus countriesas is often doneas
    the source of the global financial crisis
    misinterprets its origins
  • The crisis was due to US over-consumption, not
    Chinese excessive savings

8
Has There Been a Global Savings Glut?
  • Critics of China in the West attribute global
    imbalances primarily to a so-called Global
    Savings Glut, which has supposedly made the US
    borrowing binge much cheaper to finance
  • Developing Asia and the Middle East have been the
    major regions running large current-account
    surpluses and accumulating foreign-exchange
    reserves (often in low-interest US Treasury
    Securities)
  • Reserves of Developing Asia in 2009 2.8
    trillion projected
  • Reserves of the Middle East in 2009 870
    billion projected
  • These regions have been the major Savers at the
    global level their domestic savings rates
    significantly exceed their domestic investment
    rates they are exporters of savings

9
Stock of Foreign-Exchange Reserves (US
Billions)
Region 2001 2007 2009 proj.
All Developing 857 4,378 5,323
--Africa 64 289 318
--CIS 44 549 483
--Developing Asia 380 2,132 2,867
China 216 1,531 2,240
--Middle East 135 696 870
--W. Hemisphere 159 445 517
10
Has There Been a Global Savings Glut?
  • By running a huge current-account surplus, China
    has allegedly been contributing to a global
    savings glut
  • This assumption is endorsed by a wide range of
    mainstream economists, Martin Wolf, Ben Bernanke
    and Lawrence Summersand been used to shift
    global blame onto China
  • Although widely embraced, does this assumption
    make any sense?
  • At the global level, total savings must equal, by
    accounting definition, global investment (unless
    there are errors in estimation)
  • In other words, excess savings in one grouping of
    countries, such as Asia, must be balanced out by
    deficient savings in another part of the world,
    such as the US

11
Has There Been a Global Savings Glut?
  • Another interpretation of the savings glut is
    that global savings has been rising relative to
    global income
  • The table shows that broad averages since the
    late 1980s do not support such a claim
  • As a ratio to global income, savings has been
    relatively stable, at 22-23
  • So there has been no pronounced upward savings
    trend, no evidence of a savings glut
  • But there has been a marked downward trend in the
    savings of Advanced Economies, which has been
    compensated by a substantial rise in the savings
    of Emerging and Developing Economies

12
Savings as a Ratio to GDP ()
    1986-1993 1994-2001 2002-2008
Global Global 22.7 22.1 22.7
  Advanced Economies 22.2 21.6 19.8
  USA 16.3 17.0 13.9
Emerging and Developing Economies Emerging and Developing Economies 24.3 24.2 31.1
  Middle East 17.6 25.5 38.7
  Developing Asia (including China) 28.8 32.7 41.2
13
What Is the Main Source of Global Instability
Now?
  • The US is currently trying to replace huge
    private-sector spending deficits (mainly of
    households) with massive public deficits in order
    to stimulate economic recovery
  • The 2009 US fiscal deficit is projected by the
    IMF to reach 12.5 of GDP (and to still be 10 in
    2010)
  • Such a fiscal deficit tends to enlarge the
    current-account deficit increased domestic
    spending spills over into increased imports
  • The alternative is to devalue the US dollar,
    making its exports cheaperand thereby reduce the
    US current-account deficit

14
The Impact of a Depreciated US Dollar
  • When this option is taken, relative to the US
    dollar, the currencies of many other countries
    will appreciate, worsening their trade balances
  • Just as importantly, the US will lower the
    relative value of its external debt
  • The US can effectively inflate away its
    external debt by printing more dollars (the
    internationally reserve currency, for which there
    remains a global demand)
  • Countries holding their reserves in US Treasury
    Securities will find their value reduced in their
    own currencies (will suffer a loss of asset
    value)
  • To some degree, the US remains in the drivers
    seat

15
The Depreciation of the US Dollar
  • Generally, the US dollar has been depreciating
    since February 2002 (because of current account
    deficits) about 21, overall, in nominal terms
  • Its value hit a low point in April 2008, having
    fallen in nominal terms by 26 since 2002
  • But the dollar appreciated between roughly April
    2008 and April 2009 as money flooded, seemingly
    perversely, into US securities as a safe haven
  • As global economic conditions worsen (including
    US recession), the US dollar becomes more
    valued!!
  • Along with global recovery, the US dollar should
    depreciate further, but currently it has been
    holding fairly steady as prospects for a speedy
    recovery remain uncertain. Figure

16
Depreciation of the US DollarNominal Broad
Index, Jan. 2002 Jan. 2010
17
Who Gains from Depreciation of the US Dollar?
  • Continued depreciation of the US dollar is
    necessary in order to reduce global imbalances
    but its reserve-currency status impedes this
    adjustment
  • But if depreciation of the US dollar proceeds too
    far and too fast, interest rates on US securities
    will have to rise to compensate foreign investors
    in its securities, possibly choking off recovery
    from recession, and jeopardizing global recovery
  • If China too quickly shifts its foreign-exchange
    reserves out of US securities, the US dollar will
    depreciate faster, and more dangerously
  • Thus there is a continuing uneasy strategic
    Marriage of Convenience!

18
Capital Has Been Flowing Uphill
  • As a result, China, along with other Low-income
    and middle-income countries, have ended up
    exporting huge quantities of capital to the
    richest countries (primarily the US)
  • This is not only inequitable but also inefficient
    globally
  • Emerging and developing economies have mounted a
    massive foreign aid program to the US since
    they have to borrow from the US at high interest
    rates but lend their reserves to it at very low
    rates
  • Large Current Account Deficits, of GDP 2007
  • US -5.2, UK -2.7, Spain -10.0, Australia
    -6.3
  • Large Current Account Surpluses, of GDP 2007
  • Developing Asia 7.0 (China 11.0)
  • Middle East 18.1 (Saudi Arabia 24.3)
  • CIS 4.2 (Russia 5.9)
  • Africa 2.9 (Nigeria 18.8)

19
Why Has China (and East Southeast Asia) Adopted
Export-Led Growth?
  • The historical roots of the Export-led Model are
    in the successes of Japan and the East Asian
    Tigers, and in the bitter lessons of the Asia
    Financial Crisis
  • The countries that had hastily liberalized their
    trade and capital flows (based on IMF advice)
    learned from the 1997-98 Crisis that they must
    avoid, at all costs, current-account deficits
    (especially if those deficits are financed by
    short-term external loans)
  • They were subjected to speculative attacks on
    their currencies and sharp painful
    recessionsattacks on otherwise sound economies
  • They were forced to endure a heavy and
    humiliating burden of IMF conditionalities (an
    experience that they wished never to repeat)

20
Why East Southeast Asia Adopted Export-Led
Growth
  • Afterwards, East and Southeast Asian countries
    began to run sizeable yearly current-account
    surpluses, amassing large stocks of
    foreign-exchange reserves
  • The reserves were seen as a necessary form of
    precautionary savings designed to deal with any
    attacks on their currencies
  • Is it necessary to invest a countrys reserves in
    low-yielding, risky foreign assets, such as US
    T-bills?
  • Is it necessary to amass such large stockpiles of
    reservesbeyond precaution?
  • Does this stockpiling have a deflationary global
    impact, diverting funds from more productive
    outlets?

21
Does China Save Too Much?
  • If a countrys current-account balance is in
    surplus, then macroeconomic accounting will show
    that its total domestic savings exceeds its
    domestic investment it saves too much or invests
    too little
  • The country is recorded as having Excess
    Savings (adding to its overall savings rate)
  • Has China been investing too little? Its Gross
    Capital Formation approached 40 of GDP during
    1990-2004 and more recently has approached 45.
    Figure
  • China has an exceptionally high savings rate,
    i.e., over 50 of GDP in recent years and the
    gap between savings and investment has widened
    ominously savings have become misaligned with
    investment

22
Investment and Savings in China1990-2007 ( of
GDP)
  1990-1994 1995-1999 2000-2004 2005-2007
Gross Domestic Savings 41.2 42.0 41.1 52.4
Gross Capital Formation 39.5 38.8 38.7 44.1
Difference between the Two 1.7 3.2 2.4 8.3
23
Savings, Investment and Current-Account Surpluses
  • China has been a high-savings, high-investment
    economy for a long time, growing rapidly and
    channelling its huge rural labour surplus into
    the production of higher-productivity tradables,
    i.e., it has been developing
  • Its current fiscal stimulus (5 of GDP), mostly
    in investment, is designed to continue this
    momentum during the global recession
  • It has ample fiscal space to expand domestic
    demand without creating unsustainable public debt
  • Critics argue that China should boost domestic
    consumption (and thus imports) to rebalance its
    economy (and the global economy)
  • Would this improve Chinas economic conditions?

24
Rebalancing Chinas Growth
  • Rebalancing Chinas growth model by stimulating
    more domestic consumption is certainly feasible
    since its domestic market is large
  • Its consumption has continued to grow rapidly
    (9.3 in 2009) but its investment has still been
    growing faster (14.8)
  • Striving for consumption-led growth makes no
    sense for an underdeveloped economy, especially
    since Chinas equity and housing markets are
    showing signs of an incipient bubble
  • The transition to a Chinese growth model based
    more on domestic demand (particularly household
    consumption) would necessarily be a protracted
    process, in any case, based on fundamental
    restructuring of the economy
  • In the meantime, China is operating as an engine
    of growth for the rest of Asia, whose exports to
    China are now booming

25
Rebalancing Chinas Growth
  • Global imbalances have recently diminished The
    US current-account deficit is expected to decline
    to -2.2 of GDP in 2010 and Chinas
    current-account surplus to decline to 8.6 (IMF
    World Economic Outlook)
  • China will continue, for a while, to rely on the
    export of manufactured exports as the engine of
    rising productivity and growthbut probably to
    more diversified markets
  • China does need to shift from low-return and
    risky reserve accumulation to higher yielding
    direct foreign investment in other developing
    countries
  • Such a shift already appears to be happening as
    the previous surplus on its capital account is
    diminishing
  • But, like Brazil and India, China still faces the
    problem of increased inflows of speculative
    capital

26
Chinas Trade Diversification
  • Chinas trade has been diversifying for some time
  • Since only 16 of Chinas exports were directed
    to the US market in 2007 (with a falling trend),
    pegging strictly to the US dollar does not
    necessarily make sense
  • China should continue managing the exchange rate
    but could peg the renminbi to a more diversified
    set of major currencies since its trade is
    becoming increasingly diversified
  • But pegging to the dollar makes more sense
    precisely for maintaining the renminbi value of
    its dollar-denominated foreign-exchange reserves
  • Otherwise, China would incur huge book-value
    losses on these assets as the US dollar
    depreciates

27
The Direction of China's Exports 2000-2007 ( of
total)
28
Widening Fault-Lines in The International
Monetary System
  • The constraints on Chinas reliance on Export-Led
    Growth the US Dollar no longer appears to be a
    reliable store of value ? How can it continue
    functioning as the worlds prime Reserve
    Currency?
  • Does supplying the worlds monetary needs imply
    that the US has to run a current-account deficit?
  • The US has tended to run such deficits since the
    break-up of the Bretton Woods system it has
    almost invariably run deficits since the early
    1980s. Figure
  • Its current-account deficits ballooned beginning
    in the early 1990s, reaching a floor of -6 of
    its GDP in 2006before recovering modestly, to
    -5.2 in 2007 and -4.9 in 2008

29
US Current-Account Deficits Billion, 1980-2008
30
Widening Fault-Lines in The International
Monetary System
  • Because the US current-account deficits remain
    large and recent US domestic counter-cyclical
    monetary and fiscal policies have added pressure,
    the main question is not whether the US dollar
    will depreciate. It is how fast will it
    depreciate?
  • When the US administration states that it favours
    a strong dollar, this means that it favours
    gradual depreciation (any prolonged appreciation
    is unrealistic)
  • Holders of US-denominated reserves, such as
    China, are already suffering losses. And if they
    significantly withdrew such investment, the value
    of the dollar would drop even further
  • The Problem This is an inherently unstable
    situation, which could trigger future crises

31
Why Does China Continue Investing in US Reserves?
  • In a way, China was obliged to invest its
    foreign-exchange reserves in US T-Bills
  • The Central Bank had to sterilize the large and
    recurrent monetary impact of both current-account
    and capital-account surpluses (foreign
    investment)
  • It had to build up reserves otherwise the
    injection of additional money into the economy
    would have driven up imports, and wiped out net
    exports
  • There were very few highly liquid financial
    markets in which such a large yearly stock of
    reserves could be parked
  • Huge US current-account deficits conveniently
    created just such a market. However, there
    remains a clear continuing downside risk

32
Will Global Imbalances Now Disappear?
  • The IMF projects the US current-account deficit
    to decline to US -325 billion in 2010 but to
    rise back up to US -475 by 2014
  • The US fiscal deficit is still projected to be
    -6.7 of GDP in 2014 and thus there should be
    continuous global marketing of US Treasury
    Securities
  • Hence, there is likely to be recurrent pressure
    for depreciation of the US dollar
  • Developing Asia is projected to run a
    current-account surplus of US 677 billion and
    the Middle East a surplus of US 307 billion in
    2014
  • The gargantuan global imbalances of recent years
    might have been modestly diminished in the recent
    period but the basis for recurrent global
    imbalances and instability will likely remain

33
Resultant Calls for International Monetary Reform
  • A 2008 paper by Bruce Greenwald and Joe Stiglitz
    has provided a Keynesian perspective on reserve
    accumulation, viewing it as a subtraction from
    global purchasing power (A Modest Proposal for
    International Monetary Reform)
  • As the US increasingly absorbs the reserves of
    surplus countries (by borrowing to finance its
    growing current-account deficits), the world
    becomes increasingly flooded with dollars
  • But the world economy is also subjected to a
    deflationary bias, they claim, because of the
    unnecessary stockpiling of reserves by individual
    countries
  • Some precautionary savings is necessary but the
    recent build-up has been excessive (this is
    wasted investment)
  • US debt-fuelled consumption and government
    deficit spending have merely counteracted this
    deflationary bias without providing a sustainable
    basis for global growth
  • While the continuous threat of dollar
    depreciation still poses a destabilizing threat
    to the global economy

34
Modest Reform of the International Monetary System
  • Their Modest Proposal Issue Special Drawing
    Rights on a substantial and regular basis
  • SDRs could be a stable store of value linked to a
    diversified set of convertible currencies
  • Reserves could be credited to the IMF accounts of
    member countries in proportion to their IMF
    funding positions
  • Each country would no longer have to bury in the
    ground some of its purchasing power by the
    precautionary accumulation of its own reserves
  • Any country could run a deficit (enjoy net
    imports of more real resources), which would be
    equal to its mandated receipts of new reserves
    from the IMF
  • Countries would not have to worry so much about
    pressure on their currency and recurrent
    financial crises associated with global imbalances

35
How Realistic and Equitable Are Such Monetary
Reforms?
  • Current imbalances are based on a dynamic under
    which the richest country in the world continues
    to spend beyond its means in order to prop up
    global aggregate demand
  • The US remains in a stronger position to do so
    than any other country or grouping of countries
    (e.g., Europe) it can force adjustment onto
    other countries
  • There is no immediate alternative to the US
    dollarnot even the Euro (which accounts for
    about 30 of all reserves)
  • Emerging and developing countries are not yet in
    a strong enough position to negotiate a new
    international monetary system that would be in
    their own interests
  • Note the disadvantages of current reform
    proposals 1) they centre on the IMF (without
    fundamental governance reforms) and 2) they
    allocate international reserves according to
    measures such as GDP (namely, not equitably)
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