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Title: Highways, Buses, Rail, water and airports: Literature Review


1
Privatizing Transportation Systems
  • Highways, Buses, Rail, water and airports
    Literature Review

2
The Problem with Highway funding
  • Congestions cost America 168 billion a year. If
    not resolved then cities will die as centers of
    economic productivity, as centers of culture, and
    a pleasant place to live. Over half of
    interstate are congested and one fourth of
    bridges are rated deficient.
  • The annual investment needed to maintain the
    current level of pavement condition using public
    funding is 8.3 short.
  • In order to just keep pace with the growth in
    driving and truck usage, capital spending should
    be higher by 74 than current capital spending of
    68.1 billion.

3
Advantages of P3 in Transport
  • PPPs have been widely recognized over the last
    several years as an innovative approach to
    transportation funding and procurement that can
    reduce project costs, accelerate project
    delivery, transfer project risks to the private
    sector, and provide valuable, high-quality
    projects but these benefits alone do not explain
    the growing number of PPPs that are being
    procured in the United States.
  •  

4
Reasons for P3 in transport
  • PPPs are being utilized at a record pace because
    they
  • Respond to congestion and system unreliability by
    providing high-quality, well managed projects and
    better performance
  • Address the demand for transportation investment
    by providing access to a vast amount of private
    capital available for investment in
    transportation
  • Reduce the wasteful effects of political and
    special purpose spending by incorporating
    financial accountability for investment decisions
    into the transportation funding process
  • Help align the Nations transportation funding
    policy with critical energy and environmental
    policies by substituting private capital for fuel
    tax revenue
  • Accelerate project delivery by providing upfront
    private capital for a projects full cost.

5
History of P3 Hwys in US
  • Prior to 2005 P3 were from DB to DFBOM.
  • Since 2005, long term concession-based P3.
    Private sector assumes significant financial risk
    related to operation maintenance, and for new
    projects risks related to design and
    construction. The private partner assumes
    greater financial risk. For existing highways
    risks involved in operation maintenance. For
    new projects the design, and construction.

6
Benefits of P3
  • P3 save 6-40 in construction cost, and limit
    potential overruns through fixedprice contracts.
    Private capital ease public debt.
  • A good example is the Miami Port Tunnel project.
    The planners calculated 68M a year payments by
    FLDOT for design, construction, operation, and
    maintenance. The bidder selected required annual
    payment of just 33M.
  • P3 are no riskier than procurement approaches.
    P3 can reduce public sector exposure by well
    structured concession agreements. Financial
    incentives to concessioners can assure high
    operation and maintenance standards. Proper
    allocation of risk between the two sectors can
    reduce overall risk, accelerate project delivery
    and reduce cost.
  • A good example is P3 of VIDOT for I-95/Capitol
    beltway corridor where the concessionaire assumed
    the financial, technological and operational
    risks of implementing a variable toll rate based
    on congested (peak time) system. It assumed the
    risk for the expected return if the project is
    successful.

7
Benefits of P3
  • P3 encourage innovations and greater introduction
    of IT at the construction stage to achieve lower
    DPV for the project. Life time savings in
    operation and maintenance costs.
  • P3 shortens project completion significantly.
    Immediate availability of private capital
    accelerates the project that otherwise will be
    delayed until public resources become available.
  • The concession for improving 800 bridges in
    Missouri was assigned to one private partner per
    bridge. It will take 5 years instead of 20 years
    to the public sector.

8
Private Toll Roads in the US, 2008
9
Long term (LT)Concessions of Existing Highways
  • Chicago Skyway P3
  • Description 1st LT concession of existing toll
    road in US. 7.8 miles. Connecting the Dan Ryan
    EXPWY in south Chicago with the Indiana toll
    road. Private consortium includes Spanish Cintra
    and the Australian Macquarie. Both toll roads
    developers.
  • Terms The Concessionaire paid upfront the City
    of Chicago 1.8B and will operate and maintain
    the toll road for 99 years, collect all revenues
    for the 99 years. Revenues will be used for
    operations, and maintenance, repay debt, and
    contribution to equity. Annual toll prices were
    preset through 2017, and capped thereafter at the
    greater of 2, CPI, or Per Capita GDP. Chicago
    used the proceeds to fund several programs.
  • Indiana Toll Road (ITR)
  • Description Competitive bidding to operate and
    maintain the east-west 157 miles road connecting
    the Chicago Skyway and the Ohio Turnpike. Again,
    Cintra and Macquarie won the contract.

10
Chicago Indiana P3 Toll Roads
11
LT Concessions of Existing Hwys
  • ITR (cont. )
  • The concessionaire paid upfront 3.8 B. Again,
    BOT for 75 years. Unlike Chicago, Indiana
    invests all in the 10 years road improvement
    projects, and transportation projects for the IN
    counties.
  • Evaluation Both significant upfront private
    capital. Long term concession. Mature with
    existing customers.
  • Pocahontas Pkwy
  • No proven customer base for a large upfront pay
    by concessioner. 9 miles bypass, southeast of
    Richmond VI connecting I-95 with I-295. State
    funded through a non-for-profit entity that
    issues construction bonds. When opened no
    sufficient toll revenues to pay the debt. VI
    decided to convert from non-profit to LT
    concession type P3.
  • Terms 99 years concession with an Australian
    toll road operator. Price Included debt,
    maintenance and repairs by VDOT and the
    transaction costs. Prices capped to provide
    necessary returns. If excess revenues result
    then shared with VDOT.

12
PPP New Highways
  • Impetus Intermodal Surface Transportation
    Efficiency Act (ISTEA), 1991. Expanded toll
    facilities eligibility for Federal aid for
    construction (re), resurfacing, rehabilitation,
    conversion to toll roads. Allowed also State
    funding and shared responsibility with private
    sector. Exception Interstate system.

13
PPP new Highways Principles
  • Always PPP where ownership shifts to public
    entities
  • Always existence of non-toll alternative road

14
Rt. 91 in Ca.
  • Description 10 miles 91 express 4-lanes within
    the median area of SR 91. Connecting 55 Freeway
    near Anaheim to run east-west to the border of
    Riverside County. Affluent local population, 8
    annual increase in traffichigh congestion.

15
SR 91
16
Rt. 91 Ca. Nature of PPP, Operation
  • BTO. CPTC Corp. built it, cedes ownership to
    State in exchange for 35 years lease to operate
    the road. Toll charged and 50 discount for 3
    people in car.
  • Demand sensitive pricing by time of day and
    distance.
  • Guaranteed 65 MPH otherwise money back
  • Fully automated operation
  • Immediate removal of non-operating vehicles.
  • Results Profitable from first year. Average
    occupancy 1.65 where 20 of which are carpoolers
    (3)
  • CPTCs revenue increased 45 in its third year of
    operations, mainly because it was able to steeply
    increase average tolls. Vehicle trips rose 8 to
    25.4k/day for the year.

17
Dulles Greenway
  • Built as BOT in 1995 in Virginia. 15 miles from
    Dulles Internl Airport to Leesburg. 4 lanes and
    250 ft right of way. Private consortium
    financed, built, and operates it. Connecting the
    Beltway near D.C. (I-495) with Dulles Airport.
  • Special legislation to establish prerequisites
    for construction operation of a private toll
    road
  • A commission was set up to regulate applicants,
    supervise, control operators, and approve/revise
    prices.
  • Total estimated cost 326M. 68M initial
    investment by partners of which 22 equity and
    46M guarantee against project risk. 202M by
    consortium of 10 lending institutions.
  • http//americancityandcounty.com/mag/government_ma
    king_inroads_private/
  • http//americancityandcounty.com/mag/government_ma
    king_inroads_private/

18
(No Transcript)
19
Dulles private Toll Road
20
Greenway Features
  • BOT. Transferred to State (VI) after 40 years.
    Subjected to utility style regulation. Targeted
    return 21.
  • Prices fixed for all day and all 7 interchanges.
    In 1995 price 1.75 ridership 10K vs. anticipated
    30K. In 1996, price lowered to 1 ridership
    grew to 17K. In 1997, price increased to 1.15.
    Toll collection below anticipation.

21
Lessons learned
  • Drivers are reluctant of paying tolls that do not
    vary by distance and time of day. Demand
    sensitive pricing (discriminatory prices) also
    assure higher revenues, and avoidance of
    congestion.
  • Private toll road companies face difficulties in
    land acquisition and managing environmental
    concerns. Rt. 91 had no land acquisition while
    the Greenway suffered additional cost related to
    delay in land purchase. DOT enjoys eminent domain
    provision in assembling land. Timely land
    acquisition added to the cost of the Greenway.
  • Private companies unlike public entities cannot
    finance using tax exempt securities. Thus,
    private companies pay higher interest.
  • Private companies unlike public entities do not
    enjoy sovereign immunity. Full liabilities for
    accidents adding in case of BOT additional
    operating cost.
  • Toll roads should enjoy existing demand and not
    be subjected to induced development that will
    produce travel demand. The initial cost of toll
    roads includes high land acquisition and
    construction while revenues are low extending for
    a long period of time.

22
Lessons learned (Continued)
  • Metropolitan roads that serve peak time traffic
    (e.g. Rt. 91) are more financially viable than
    intercity roads (e.g. the Greenway).
  • Most private investments have alternative use in
    case of failure. No alternative use for failed
    toll road which raises uncertainty and higher
    financial costs.
  • Success requires one company to build and operate
    the toll road for a long period of time.
  • Success requires simple and immediate land
    acquisition
  • Success requires a committed political champion

23
Problems with Dulles Greenway
  • Fixed price for tolls. Demand sensitive prices
    over distance traveled, time of day, week
    day-weekend
  • Excessive regulation by State/lenders for toll
    restructuring, change of speed
  • Real cost of regulation in time and expenses
  • No tax exempt securities raising developers
    interest payments
  • Accidents and other liabilities absent for public
    roads that enjoy sovereign immunity
  • No eminent domain provision to acquire necessary
    land. Negotiations for land took time and
    additional resources adding to cost
  • Expensive project that is contingent upon
    stimulation of land use or induced traffic in the
    remote future with high risk

24
BOT Tunnel in Hong Kong
  • Feb 1988, the HK Govt granted a 30 year
    franchise to a private consortium. Longest road
    in HK 4 KM twin tube 4 lanes tunnel and
    approaching lanes. Completed 2 months ahead of
    schedule at TC of 276.5M
  • Financed completely by private sector
  • Shareholders contributed equity 1 to 2.6 debt
  • Risk for non-completion ran for just 18 months
    construction period. Risk was low because the
    tunnel method used was well known. Good
    reputation of contractor, and 400K per day
    penalty
  • Cost overrun risk was overcome by several
    guarantees of shareholders. To ensure project
    quality, a 10 year performance bond to address
    performance risk was put up by contractor
  • Post completion risks ran for 12 year loan
    period. Shareholders purchased i.r. cap. Cash
    flow risk was mitigated by HK govt approval to
    increase tolls.

25
LT Concessions for New Hwys
  • Texas, Virginia and Florida lead in P3 for new
    and capital
  • improvements. TxDOT initiated the innovative
    Trans-Texas Corridor
  • (TTC) projects. TTC is a proposed network of
    super-highway
  • corridors that could include separate lanes for
    passenger vehicles, and
  • large trucks, freight and high speed commuter
    railways, water lines,
  • oil and gas pipelines, electricity and
    communication services.
  • TTC must be built with P3. Principles of TxDOT
  • It will oversee planning, construction,
    maintenance.
  • Government needs innovations of private sector.
  • TTC is a LT, concession based P3 which includes
    private sectors share in design, construction,
    financing, operation and maintenance(1).
  • For each segment 1. A competitive bidding. 2.
    The consortium provides a master development and
    financial plans. 3. Development of 1st facility
    under a separate facility agreement.

26
Hi Occupancy Toll Lanes (HOT)
  • VIDOT and a private consortium agreement for a
    concession to design, build, operate and maintain
    2 HOT lanes on 14 miles portion of the Capital
    Beltway. Concessionaire will construct 2 general
    purpose lanes and convert the two innermost to
    HOT.
  • Toll revenues will finance 1.4B of the 1.8B
    expected cost. 588M loan from USDOT, 589M
    private bonds, and 350M consortium equity, and
    409M of state sources.
  • PPP is possible for projects that generate
    negative profits bidding on minimum subsidy.
    Used for low traffic bridges in Missouri, and
    BARTs Oakland Airport connection.

27
Federal Programs encouraging P3
  • Private Activity Bonds. IRS allowed issuance of
    public issuer of private Tax exempt bonds (PABs)
    to finance privately developed and operated hwys
    and freight transfer facilities. The private
    developer is deemed the borrower and is
    responsible for the repayment. The total Federal
    PABs is limited to 15B and allocated by the
    Secretary of USDOT.
  • TIFIA. The Transportation Infrastructure Finance
    and Innovation Act, 1998. Federal direct loan,
    loan guarantee or a line of credit. For direct
    loans, payments start up to 5 years and final
    maturity 35 years after project completion.
    USDOT may allow payment deferrals. Private
    sector is allowed to combine TIFIA with PABs for
    P3 transactions.

28
Managing Risks in P3
  • LT Toll concession (or lease, franchise)
    agreements where private consortium design,
    finances, builds, and maintains a toll project
    for 35-99 years in exchange for toll collection.
  • Advantages pool risks and deploy expertise
    across multiple countries. Innovations in toll
    collection eliminate any congestions at the
    booths.

29
Managing Risks in P3
  • New innovative approach to transportation
    funding. Risks exist to the public sector,
    however, they are manageable and can be
    mitigated. Create well balanced P3, perform due
    diligence before committing to project, and
    negotiate well structured concession agreements.
  • Agreements should specify performance standards
    for facility conditions, safety measures, levels
    of service, and maintenance obligations. Failure
    to obey may revert right to collect tolls. Also,
    existence of public alternative will reduce use
    of the poorly maintained P3 facility.
  • Private operators accountability to public
    authority and to the users which are the source
    of revenues assures high standards. In Indianas
    Toll Road Concession, standards were higher than
    when the State operated it. No formal standards
    for public operation.

30
Managing Risks in P3
  • Public-Public Partnerships are not a good
    substitute for P3
  • Public entity does not enjoy unlimited authority
    to issue debt, and public funds are limited.
    Thus, PPPs equity contribution that yields
    higher return than debt should not be avoided.
  • Private equity is another source of investment
    proceeds that is less confined than debt.
  • Equity risk is borne by the private rather than
    by the public sector.
  • Much of the success of P3 is attributed to the
    innovative and superior service, and
    accountability for its customers. Protection of
    equity investment in a competitive environment
    lead to innovations. Private bidders for P3 must
    incorporate cost and service innovations in their
    proposals. Congresss PAB program that allows
    tax-exempt bonds enables private entities be at
    leveled field with public sector.

31
Managing Risks in P3
  • Private investors will be interested in just
    profitable routes
  • 1. Investment of private capital frees public
    sources of revenues and debt to other
    transportation projects.
  • 2. Possible packaging in P3 procurements of
    various return and risk projects. Used in Mexico
    for toll roads and bridges.
  • 3. Bidding on the lowest subsidy for
    non-profitable projects. Example, the Port of
    Miami Tunnel or the Oakland Airport Connector for
    design, construct and operate.

32
Managing Risks in P3
  • Price regulation when Private toll operators
    enjoy monopolistic power
  • Concession agreements for toll facilities often
    set ceiling limits. Hikes are allowed for
    inflation, changes in GDP per capita, a fix
    percentage etc. In case of congestion pricing,
    allow operator to vary tolls based on demand
    price elasticity.
  • Failure to comply lead to shift control to the
    public authority.
  • Setting toll rates is important in a constrained
    or monopolistic market. Prices should not exceed
    marginal social cost. In a constraint market
    with monopolistic power, shadow tolls can be
    established and the revenues are paid by the
    public authority. Thus, the concessionaire
    efficient performance is reflected in the amount
    of traffic generated while shadow tolls are paid
    by the public authority.

33
Managing Risks in P3
  • Price regulation when private operator enjoys
    monopolistic power
  • Another option is a regulator that approves
    private charged rates. For Dulles Airport the
    regulator is allowed by State law to approve the
    higher price of the three for the period 2013
    through 2020 1. The increase of CPI plus 1. 2.
    The increase of GDP. 3. 2.8.
  • Revenue sharing to regulate the private
    partners return on investment. Limits private
    partners incentives to develop innovations since
    the public partner can reap extra profits. Can
    encourage the private partner to overcapitalize
    the project in order to increase revenues without
    reaching the maximum rate of return. Best is to
    protect consumers by regulating prices without
    hurting incentives to innovate. Price regulation
    rather than regulation of rate of return.

34
Managing Risks in P3
  • Congestion pricing appears to improve traffic
    flow and social benefits on all routes
  • 1. On such toll roads, traffic is diverted from
    peak to off-peak times and NOT to other roads.
  • 2. Diverts traffic from other roads to toll
    roads because of time saving and certainty.
  • 3. Managing demand on freeways by congestion
    pricing during peak time improves traffic flow.
  • 4. Congestion pricing can divert traffic to
    transit, which leads to increase net benefits.

35
Advantages of Tolling
  • A safe and predictable source to serve the debt,
    maintain the road in good condition.
  • Creates a direct voluntary (market) link between
    the provider and the consumer, assuring high
    performance by both the producer and employees to
    satisfy customers. Customers pay for service
    they receive every time they enter the road and
    will enter only if the benefits exceed the toll
    price.
  • Under tax-and-grant system, the public sector
    produces a wish list of transport projects.
    Assuming no net social external benefits, private
    investments in roads justifies economic viable
    projects. R. 91 in CA is an example of combined
    private sectors initiatives and tolling.
  • Variable tolls best to manage traffic flow.
    Stop-and-go traffic reduces capacity of vehicles
    per lane from 2,000 per hour to 1,200. Traffic
    engineers can calculate pricing to maintain
    1,700-2,000 veh/hour/lane.

36
Advantages of Tolling (cont.)
  • Price adjustment raises the efficient use of
    lanes. Example, tolled R. 91 is 1/3 of the
    entire lanes but carries ½ of rush hour total
    traffic because of its free flow flexible pricing
    (1).

37
Reasons for Customers Use of Toll Roads
  • Research in Ontario, Canada related to the 407
    Express Toll Route revealed 3 reasons
  • Time saving
  • Reliability and convenience of the trip
  • Safety of the hwy.

38
407 Private Toll Road, Ontario, Canada
39
407 private Toll Road
40
Traffic Revenue Model
  1. Projections of population and land use in
    corridor
  2. Estimate Trip Generation
  3. Traffic Assignment to different roads based on
    origins Destination the time on each route
  4. Time saved ( per hour) and likely toll rates
  5. Forecast volumes willing to pay the toll and
    divert to the new road
  6. Annual revenues calculated
  7. Annual operating costs
  8. From 6 7 annual profits

41
Costs Estimates
  1. Capital costs estimated include design,
    permitting, land, construction, legal and
    financing fees plus reserve fund for uncertainty
    and bond insurance against default (to raise the
    debt rating and lower the interest rate).
  2. Landers want cushion termed coverage ratio
    between net revenue and debt services obligations
    at 1.3 ratio.
  3. 25-30 years bonds with fixed interest rate. Toll
    rates are set based on constant debt service
    requirements through the life of the loan. Holds
    if revenue forecasts are conservative and no
    inflation.

42
Problems with Traditional Model
  • Traffic forecasts were on the high side.
    Population growth or real estate development in
    corridor did not materialize.
  • This uncertainty creates pressure for larger
    reserve funds, reduces credit rating, need to
    raise faced interest, call for shared tax money
    and elimination of some road projects.
  • The old model of paying off the bonds and
    removing the tolls is impossible. Also, roads
    need complete rebuild every 30-50 years.

43
Innovative Financial Alternatives
  • GARVEE bonds State DOTs borrow by pledging a
    portion of their future federal highway grant
    receipts to service the debt. A method of
    financing projects but is small in relation to
    the amount available for investment.
  • Shadow tolls A way to enlist the private sector
    in financing, building, and operating existing
    road. Government commits a consortium over the
    life time of agreement, pre-defined per vehicle
    driven or per vehicle/mile of traffic. Saves
    tolls collection costs. Limitation No new
    revenues are generated. Portugal, Spain,
    Finland, Britain. Politically popular to current
    officials while letting future government pay the
    cost. New European version is Availability
    Concession where long term rental payments are
    made. Like of prisons cells, and schools.

44
Innovative Financial Alternatives (Cont.)
  • Non-Profit Corporations allowed to issue
    tax-exempt toll revenue bonds. Termed also 63-20
    corps, after the numbering by IRS. Non-profit
    corp. had to be an arm length from both state
    DOT, and from for profit construction corp.
  • Initiated by engineering and construction firms
    interested in design and construction projects.
    The State is the other interested party in
    getting a road it may not otherwise get.
  • The firms lose interest once the project is built
    and their fees are paid. The non-profit has no
    equity and no shareholders with vested interest.
    Its directors are chosen after the road is
    complete and thus unaccountable for failure.
    Indeed all failed.

45
Long Term Toll Concession Advantages
  • Greater access to capital. Traditional bond
    investors in toll roads get no upside advantage
    because they do not share profits and are only
    concern with downside risks. Debt coverage
    ratioannual revenues/annual debt services 1.25
    to 2.00. This reduces the amount of capital that
    can be raised for construction in tax-exempt
    markets.
  • Private concessionaires can fill in the gap with
    equity money. In Australia large IPOs of stocks.
    Concession Cos. are flexible in the ratio of
    debt/equity. Bond financing recovers capital
    entirely in 25, 30 or at most 40 years.
    Concessions can be structured for 75 years.

46
Long Term Toll Concession Advantages
  • Financing based on bond markets requires large
    amount to reserve funds since all the capital is
    under debt that must be met. Provider of equity
    can deny dividends when revenues are tight for
    years. Thus, concession toll road funded by a
    mix of equity and debt can better survive during
    years of low revenues.
  • New financial instruments Goldman Sachs and a
    British report estimate 250B available for toll
    roads. In the 1st half of 2006, 100B was
    globally raised for infrastructures mostly in the
    US. Pension funds are interested because of long
    term prospects. The problem is lack of
    investment opportunities not in available
    capital.

47
Long Term Toll Concession Advantages
  • Toll rate flexibility Set at market value and
    raised by the concession limits. Tolls of public
    roads are not raised as long as debt service is
    paid, and do not reflect rising opportunity cost
    of time saved or increase of the time saved.
    Tolls seldom reflect the effects of inflation.
    The Indiana Toll Road kept prices constant over
    20 years regardless of increase in traffic flow,
    causing congestion. Often when a road needs
    significant improvements, tolls are raised by
    1/3, causing a decline in usage which could have
    been avoided if LT inflation would have been
    used.
  • Private vs. public operator can upgrade
    electronic systems while public agencies face
    difficulties in raising the capital to do so.

48
Long Term Toll Concession Advantages
  • (Occurs approx. every 7 years).
  • Private operator can easier adjust staffing and
    training.
  • Public operators defer maintenance when necessary
    while private operator must comply by contract or
    to maintain customers.
  • Private operator has easier time implementing
    congestion tolling responding to changing demand
    level and price elasticities.
  • Labor cost of toll collectors in the public
    sector is double of the private sectors. Also,
    raises in the public sectors wages are input or
    seniority based rather than by productivity.
  • When toll roads are operated by cities then
    maintenance is conducted by the relevant city
    department and is queued there with all other
    jobs uncontrollable by the road management.
  • Private toll road operators can combine toll
    collection across state lines.

49
Long Term Toll Concession Advantages
  • Expertise gained of major projects can be
    globally transferred by private operators from
    one place to other. State Turnpike experience is
    lost if no more major projects are internally
    initiated.

50
Funding of Roads
  • US toll revenues enable tax exempt bonds, and
    hwy trust funds supported by dedicated motor fuel
    tax.
  • Europe No hwy trust fund nor tax exempt bonds.
    Toll funded long term concessions 1st France
    then Italy, Spain and Portugal. The toll roads
    companies started out as state owned and
    controlled while since the mid 90s they were
    sold. These companies invest in Latin America,
    Eastern Europe and the UK.
  • Australia Toll road companies operate under LT
    concession agreements operate all urban
    expressways in Melbourne and Sidney since 1990.
    Now, these companies went global and developed
    road mutual funds for LT investors.

51
LT Concession Models
  • Works well for large scale hwy, bridge and tunnel
    projects. Reasons
  • Private equity can be raised if excess demand and
    willingness to pay exist for LT right to toll.
    Patient capital is less vulnerable to default in
    the early years of new toll roads.
  • The private sector absorbs the risks of cost
    overruns, unmet construction schedules, traffic
    shortfall. Accountability.
  • Concessioner that operates and maintains the road
    has no incentive to cut corners in the
    construction phase.
  • Innovations by private sector e-collected tolls,
    demand sensitive pricing by time of day and the
    day of the week (R. 91). Same in Paris, the
    mother co. of R. 91 where a tunnel was built
    under Versailles to complete a ring road (A86).
  • In Melbourne, a private toll co. linked 3
    existing roads in densed urban areas by tunnels
    and elevated roads.

52
References
  • Samuel, Peter, 2007. The Role of Tolls in
    Financing 21st Century Highways, the Reason
    Foundation, Policy Study 359, Los Angeles.
  • US DOT, 2008. Innovation Wave An Update on the
    Burgeoning Private Sector Role in U.S. Highway
    and Transit Infrastructure, July 18.
  • US GAO, 2008. Highway Public-Private
    Partnerships More Rigorous Up-Front Analysis
    Could Better Secure potential benefits and
    Protect the Public Interest. GAO-08-44.
  • Poole, Robert, and Samuel, Peter, 2006. The
    Return of Private Toll Roads, Public Roads, Vol.
    69 (5) March/April.

53
Privatizing Transit Systems
  • Problem Real Cost per transit trip has increased
    three times since Congress gave cities and states
    incentives to take over private transit in 1964.
    Worker productivity expressed as number of riders
    carried by worker declined by more than 50
    percent, the amount of energy to carry a bus
    rider one mile increased by 75 percent, and the
    number of transit trips per urban resident
    declined from over 60 per year in 1964 to 45 in
    2008. Over the same period, real operating
    costs per rider tripled, while fare revenues rose
    merely 8.
  • (For entire discussion, Randal OToole, Fixing
    Transit The Case for Privatization, CATO
    Institute, November 10, 2010)

54
Cost of Moving passenger one mile
  • Mode Cost per Passenger Mile Public Subsidy
  • Airlines 15c 1c
  • Driving 23c 1c
  • Amtrak 60c 30c
  • Urban transit 1.00 79c
  • Buses use far more energy and pollute much more
    per passenger mile than the average car. Transit
    agencies try more to get federal and state
    appropriations than sales from satisfied
    consumers leading for visible capital improvement.

55
Privatizing Transit
  • Significance of Problem Dependency on state tax
    collection makes transit funding vulnerable to
    economic trends. State operating funding are
    based on sales and income taxes that are very
    elastic to economic down trends. Property taxes
    collections that are less sensitive to economic
    trends provide only 2 of transit operating
    funds.

56
History
  • Until 1964 most urban transit privately owned
    profitable.
  • Commuter rail service in Boston, Chicago, NY, and
    Phila were losing money and threatened to
    discontinue service
  • These cities could not afford the increase that
    will result in auto traffic to these cities and
    the RR lines crossed state lines.
  • Congress chose to support these transit systems
    but could not limit funding just to these 4
    cities thus allowing all transit authorities to
    apply for capital grants. Congress expected that
    operating costs will continue to be covered.
  • Private goal was just max. of profits. Public
    goals became mixed solve urban problems, save
    the CBD, help the poor handicapped

57
Productivity
  • Routes were added into unprofitable areas
  • Average people onboard of a bus declined from
    12 in 1977 to 12 in 1977 to 9 in 2008.
  • of people per bus mile declined 40 from 1964
    and 2008.
  • of transit riders per employee declined from
    60K to 30K after 1964
  • Amount of energy used to move an auto passenger
    one mile declined 30, and increased 76 per
    transit bus between 1970 and 2008.
  • In 2008 transit used 3,360 and auto 3.440 BTUs
    per passenger/mile

58
Fares Costs
  • 1964 through 2008 Fares per trip using GDP
    deflators) declined 4 while operating cost
    inclined 184
  • 1965 through 2008 Total operating subsidies have
    grown (again, using GDP deflators) from 0.6B to
    24.5B.
  • Reasons for the rise in costs S Congress
    required workers unions endorsement for grant
    applications. Transit agencies invested in
    unnecessary high cost systems.
  • Since 1995 all governments provided 500B in real
    terms in operating subsidies.
  • 1965 through 2008 Use of transit declined from
    60 per year to 45. Half of urban areas generate
    less than 10 trips per resident a year.

59
Transit Trips per Operating Employee (Randal
OToole, 2010 4
60
Findings
  • Presence of expensive rail transit system does
    not affect ridership.
  • Per capita transit ridership remained steady at
    40-50 trips per year while personal driving grew
    120. From 1970 to 2008, transits share of
    motorized urban travel declined from 4.2 to
    1.8.
  • As a result of the 2008-9 recession, over 100
    transit agencies raised fares and/or cut service.
    NYs MTA raised fares by 30 and eliminated 2
    subway and 35 bus lines. NJ Transit raised fares
    25

61
Transit Tax Crisis
  • 1/3 of operating costs comes from fare box, 1/3
    from state or local mostly dedicated sales tax,
    7 federal and 25 annual unsafe appropriations.
    Sales tax are vulnerable to economic conditions.
    Transit agencies are reluctant of creating
    reserves for recessions when mostly sales tax
    decline. The reason being that government may
    require the use of such reserves. Thus, transit
    agencies often resort to low return investments
    to avoid surplus. With little reserves, agencies
    have to cut service at a slight recession when
    dedicated sales tax decline.
  • In most cities fares cover less than 20 of
    operating costs. So, 10 increase in fares
    covers raises only 2 increase in revenues. It
    is perceived as tax increase, unions do not
    regard it as their problem. Instead of the
    riders and providers, demands are aimed to the
    State.

62
Transit Debt Crisis
  • The federal government pays up to 50 of capital
    outlays on rail while the rest is mostly debt
    borne by the city.
  • Federal funds pay most of new buses which are
    also inexpensive. Thus, bus only agencies do not
    need to borrow.
  • MBTA of Boston spends over 2 of 3 spent on
    operations. St. Luis Metro spends 3 of every 5
    spent on operations.
  • A huge burden is the healthcare costs. Portland
    1.18 on every 1 of salary NJT, San Franciscos
    BART, Washington Metro 0.75-0.85 in benefits on
    1 salary. Transit boards agree to future
    liabilities that unaffect their present
    operations.

63
Transit Infrastructure Crisis
  • A 78B backlog of work to bring transit assets
    into a state of good repair (Federal Transit
    Administration, 2010). Annual maintenance
    spending is less than is needed just to keep rail
    and bus systems in their current state of poor
    repair. The highway system is funded adequately
    by gas tax, tolls, and other user fees. The
    highway and bridges have improved since 1990.
  • Bad maintenance condition of seven largest
    systems which carry over 50 of all transit trips
    totaling 50B of which 46B was for rail transit.
    ¾ of the 400 transit agencies was due to rail
    deficiency.

64
Transit Infrastructure Crisis
  • The critical time when most of a rail lines
    infrastructure needs rehabilitation or
    replacement is when it reaches 30 years. The
    oldest parts of Atlantas reached 30 in 2009, San
    Diegos original light rail line in 2011, and
    Baltimore, Buffalo, Miami, Portland, Sacramento,
    and San Jose before 2020. None of them has the
    financial resources for the necessary
    rehabilitation when they are worn out. Some rail
    lines will cease to exist.
  • Obamas head of the Federal transit
    Administration suggests not to expand rail when
    operating costs are not fully covered. Instead,
    to designate painted bus rapid Transit.

65
Transit Innovation Crisis
  • Public transit agencies incorrectly replaced
    low-cost buses with high-cost rail.
  • Dial-a-ride allows people to connect for a
    small bus pick up close to their door while
    allowing others to be picked-up or dropped. San
    Joses Santa Clara County transit District
    adopted the service but failed due to access
    demand. Taxi Cos sued the District for
    infringing on their exclusive right to carry
    people door-to-door. The District ceased
    service. Automation through the internet could
    solve the excess demand of the call center.

66
Transit Innovation Crisis (Contin.)
  • Rigid commuter rail that is a capital most
    expensive form and leads among limited of
    points have been constructed rather than adding
    dial a bus.
  • In the 1970s, Atlanta, D.C., San Francisco
    creating rail with technology dated back to 1904
  • In the 1980s, San Diego, Portland, Buffalo
    built light rail of 1939
  • In 2001, Portland added streetcars of technology
    dated back to 1888.
  • Mass rail transit built after 1976 still carry
    less than 1 of passengers travelling.

67
Transit Subsidies
  • Supporters of such subsidies justify the
    subsidies by exaggerated externalities. Randal
    OToole showed in a 2008 CATO publication that
    per passenger/mile it is the same as driving.
    BTUs by car is 3,400, while 3,400 by bus. Rail
    transits is 2,500 but include also high building
    energy. Total energy cost of driving is 5,500
    BTUs for driving and 6,400 for rail transit.
  • Considering fare box charges including capital
    and operating subsidies, cost per passenger/mile
    for transit is 0.98 while for car only 0.22.
  • No federal or state subsidies for highways. All
    is funded by user fees. Congress authorized in
    2008 diversion of more funds from highway user
    fees to transit.

68
Privatize Transit
  • Transit productivity has declined since transit
    managers are not required to cover costs.
    Greater budget leads to improve stance of
    managers.
  • Transit creates new programs during economic boom
    time that are not sustainable in the long run.
    Lobbying groups demand increased subsidy in
    recessions when revenues from State sales tax
    diminish.
  • Politicians invest in expensive infrastructure in
    the short run, ignoring long term financial
    consequences.
  • Public failure to innovate unlike the private
    sector.

69
Examples of Private Transit
  • Atlantic City Jitney Assoc. Group of private bus
    owners that operate routes from NJ Transit to the
    hotels subsidized by the latter and 4 charge
    fares. Operates since 1915.
  • With the construction of bridges, highways
    tunnels, and trains, Hudson subway, ferry service
    across the Hudson ceased in the 1960s. In 1986,
    the NU system of Ferryboat service across the
    Hudson started, including ferryboats and
    buses-one fare. Following 9/11 with the
    interruption of subway service, many boats were
    added. NY Waterway is doing well despite
    competition by subsidized buses and PATH subway
    trains.

70
Contracting Out Bus Services
  • Colorados legislature required that half of
    Denvers bus service is contracted out. The
    private operator charged 5.01 per bus mile in
    2008 compared with publics cost of 9.65 (plus
    taxes and fees).

71
Effects of Privatization
  • Focus on high demand areas like CBD and reduced
    service in suburbs.
  • Use more technology and reduce on infrastructure
    investment.
  • Use vehicles size to address demand and economize
    on labor.
  • Private investors will use low cost, flexible bus
    service to replace when amortized rail,
    streetcars, light rail.
  • Private operators may keep subways, suburban rail
    where 60 of operating costs are covered by
    fares.
  • Bus service will continue in highly dense areas
    in low density use 20 seats buses instead of
    existing 40 seaters.

72
Privatization Action Plan
  • Switch from gasoline tax to currently 1.5c per
    mileage fee of driving. Allow higher fees on
    congested roads all electronically collect.
  • End subsidy of transit. Transit federal funding
    aimed at specific objectives like reduce
    pollution or congestion. User fees will enable
    privatization of transit. Beware of monopolistic
    power.
  • Federal funds should be based on user fees
    collected to encourage transit agencies to
    improve service. Rely more on user fees and less
    on general ledger.

73
Conclusions
  • Public ownership of transit led to decline of
    productivity, increase in costs, and
    insignificant improve in output. 90 of federal
    subsidies are absorbed by higher wages of
    monopolistic unionized workers. Monopolistic
    transit leads to strong political lobby groups
    that promote expensive construction, transit
    contractors, manufacturing of railcars.
  • Privatization will lead to responsiveness to
    users, less better service, and lower costs.
  • OToole Randal, Fixing transit The Case for
    Privatization, Policy Analysis 670, CATO
    Institute, November 10, 2010.
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