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Thinking through work: how much does the body matter

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Title: Thinking through work: how much does the body matter


1
Thinking through work how (much) does the body
matter?
  • 18 Jan. 2008
  • Seminar One
  • Linda McDowell
  • School of Geography, University of Oxford

2
Focus and pre-amble
  • Questions not answers
  • Is our focus explaining divisions of labour or
    labour process (or some other issue)?
  • Is it who does what or who does what to whom?
  • At what scale?
  • Political economy to performativity/embodiment or
    both and how is there a political economy of the
    body? Is the body primarily constructed through
    practice?
  • Theorising intersectionality class, gender,
    ethnicity and bodies
  • Methods as well as theory

3
Structure of talk
  • Transnational migration, divisions of labour and
    interactive work in service sector
  • Theorising complexity
  • More than embedded/local/case study analyses
  • Appropriate bodies
  • Gendered, classed and racialised identities
  • Forms of complexity
  • Conclusions

4
The empirical content GeNet project
  • ESRC funded 2005- 2010
  • 10 projects on changing gender divisions
  • Cross disciplinary psych, sociol, econs, geog.
  • Several HEIs involved Cambridge, Essex, LSE,
    Open, Oxford
  • British in focus
  • Most projects quantitative in methods

5
The projects
  • Theme 1 Pathways to Adult Attainment
  • Changing Occupational Careers of Women and Men
  • Biographical Agency and Developmental Outcomes
  • Gendered Pathways to Adulthood
  • Theme 2 Resources, Gender, Ethnic and Class
    Inequalities
  • Gender, Time Allocation and the 'Wage Gap'
  • Within-household Inequalities and Public Policy
  • Gender, Ethnicity, Migration and Service
    Employment
  • Class and Gender, Employment and Family
  • Theme 3 Policy Responses to Gender Inequalities
  • Addressing Gender Inequality through Corporate
    Governance
  • Tackling Inequalities in Work and Care Policy
    Initiatives and Actors at the EU and UK levels

6
West Central Hospital and Bellman International
  • Migrants in Greater London 29 pop. and 33
    labour market
  • Diversity and EU accession
  • In both skilled and unskilled occupations, but
    rising numbers in less skilled jobs
  • Precarious work forms of contracts
  • Key sectors health and hospitality
  • Case studies 120 interviews plus managers and
    agencies

7
Focus
  • How a diverse migrant labour force is
  • Assembled
  • Segmented
  • Maintained
  • Context multiple locations global divisions of
    labour, national regulatory framework, local
    labour market specificity, social constructions
    of identity in workplace

8
Nothing new/new questions
  • Divisions of labour/segmentation
  • Globalisation and transnational migration
  • How are material transformations and new
    theorisations connected?
  • Theoretical promiscuity
  • How do we decide what matters?
  • Multiple frameworks

9
Theorising complexity
  • Bodies/identity as fluid, contingent, open,
    unfinished, relational and multiple identities
  • And yet, race, class and gender matter
  • Status of categories
  • Performative or structural differences or both?
  • Complexity (anti, intra and inter-categorical
    complexity McCall)

10
Questions about embodiment/identity
  • Are identities situated accomplishments?
  • If so, how do we engage with questions of
    structural inequalities and power?
  • Does recognition of complexity mean abandonment
    of categories?Are identities constructed solely
    through discourse and practice?
  • Should we focus on previously neglected
    intersections (and what might they be??)

11
The issue here
  • How are particular (migrant) embodied workers
    constructed as appropriate for low status
    interactive service jobs in the global economy?

12
Managed migration policies
  • Differentiation of labour by country skills
    social characteristics
  • Rights in receiving country
  • Construction of identities there and here
  • And so, a range of questions to answer.

13
Questions include
  • How are connections and practices across spatial
    scales transformed when the subject being made is
    a migrant?
  • Are the gendered identities/embodiment of
    migrants subject to re-negotations on entering a
    different space?
  • How do traces of the regulatory structure of
    being there affect being here?
  • How do previous cultural assumptions about
    bodies, gender attributes and capacities, about
    appropriate tasks for particular gendered
    categories and embodied workers work out across
    space and time?

14
Cultural citizenship
  • a cultural process of subjectification in the
    Foucauldian sense of self-making and being-made
    by power relations that produce consent through
    schemes of surveillance, discipline, control and
    administrations (Ong 1996, p 337).
  • Thus becoming a citizen (or a worker LMcD)
    depends on how one is constituted as a subject
    who exercises power or submits to power
    relations (ibid, p738)

15
Subjectification
  • Ong Formal and cultural citizenship rights
  • Butler heterosexual matrix grid of cultural
    intelligibility through which bodies, gender and
    desires are naturalised (1990, p 151) but how
    intelligible to migrants?
  • Racialised identities white normativity?
  • And so

16
Labour market effects
  • Racial and ethnic markers are highly gendered and
    impact on appropriateness for different jobs
  • Skills, talents, bodies
  • Schemas of racial difference, civilisation and
    economic worth position migrants as inferior
  • human capital, self-discipline and consumer
    power are associated with whiteness (Ong 1997 p
    739) but multiple whitenesses.
  • Impact of A8 migration on hierarchies of
    desirability

17
Ideal recruits
  • We look for someone whose got a very strong
    aptitude to interact with customers because
    that's key, that's what hospitality is about,
    whether that be on the front desk, whether that
    be in the restaurant, whether that be conference
    banqueting, even housekeeping, it's really
    important. We look for experience, we like them
    to have had large corporate hotel experience
    because then they tend to know a little more
    about what it's going to be like and what the
    demands of the job are going to be. We look for
    somebody who has a style basically, the kind of
    person that when you first meet, youll warm to
    because that's the image that Bellman has. It's
    all about hospitality, and we also look for
    someone whos very well presented, has made an
    effort, Ive got to say most of them come in a
    suit for an interview, from overseas which is
    quite different from here. And we look for
    someone who wants to progress as well, whos not
    just going to come and the sole reason for coming
    is not just to earn money, I mean obviously
    thats a big part of it but we like somebody who
    wants to really progress. (Anna BI HR)

18
Embodiment in hospitality
  • Divisions of labour in BI ethnicity catering
    and room attendants (significance of recruitment
    strategies agencies)
  • Gender divisions of labour traditional
    assumptions about deference, authority etc
  • Bodies sexualisation front desk skin colour

19
Indians preferred to East Europeans
  • We went to Hungary first and then to Latvia but
    so far it hasnt been very successful not like
    the Indian recruitment.
  • Part of the reason was related to presentation of
    self the actual aptitude I was talking about,
    the smiley, bubbly hospitality attitude, is not
    as prevalent in the people we interviewed,
    they're a lot more serious . . . , so there
    wasnt a natural what I call personality or that
    demonstration of Im here for the customer, so
    that was a little bit of a concern. (Anna, BI HR)

20
On the front desk
  • Women get away with more on reception than men in
    terms of when you, for instance, cant give
    someone a certain type of room. You smile, fun,
    you make fun, you have a joke and its fine. But
    if its a man dealing with a man it gets a bit
    like . . . and then the supervisor needs to come
    out. (Bettina, front desk, from the Netherlands)

21
Matrix of domination on the front desk
  • Term is Patricia Hill Collins (2000) to capture
    intersectionality so here gender and skin colour
  • Sophia, the assistant manager of the front
    office, commented sometimes guest get a little
    bit strange when its perhaps, how can I say,
    international colleagues, so if you are not
    European, sometimes they can be a bit strange,
    especially Asians or if you are Black or
    something.

22
National stereotypes in housekeeping
  • We used to have Vietnamese people before and the
    Vietnamese people are very soft and compliant,
    and perhaps they werent as challenging, so at
    the moment were quite challenged because I think
    the Polish people are quite headstrong. (Judith,
    head of housekeeping, S African)

23
Dirty work takes longer
  • Each cleaner is allocate 30 minutes per room
  • Very dirty room, one hour is cleaning this room
    because everything is oh my God! Family, its
    one room and family, the children many children
    and all the rooms its oh my God! (Teresa,
    Polish agency cleaner)

24
Dirty work and personal hygiene
  • Sometimes youll be like everybodys nose is
    twitching and then youd go and find the poor
    individual whos making the nose twitch, and I
    always go along the line look, I dont want the
    guests to find you and I dont want the
    inaudible to talk about you, and sometimes it
    makes people cry, and imagine if you come here
    and youve got absolutely nothing and this is
    your first job and you dont get your pay cheque
    for a week, your priority is not deodorant is it,
    I dont know, it's not nice.. . . . I just tell
    the person straight you have got a body odour
    problem to clean rooms, go and have a shower,
    change your uniform. (Judith, head of
    housekeeping, S African)

25
Embodiment in WCH
  • National origins government agreements for high
    skilled agencies for low (different migrant
    division of in WCH conditions and length of
    employment
  • Class origins and nature of work nurses body
    work
  • Gendered assumptions about emotions, caring and
    empathy embodied and emotional care work (often
    undertaken by cleaners)

26
Conceptual and methodological questions
  • Are case studies, even individual stories and
    narratives, the only way to understand complex
    intersections of discursively constructed
    identities/embodiment of new workers/new
    citizens?
  • Do theoretical perspectives that see identities
    as produced through historically and spatially
    specific practices logically imply the rejection
    of distinct categories?

27
Complex inequalities
  • Significance of categories?
  • Anti- and intra-categorical approaches argue
    against imposition of a stable and homogenising
    order on a more unstable and heterogeneous social
    reality (McCall 2005 p 177).
  • Is an intra-categorical approach the way to go?
  • Methodological questions which differences
    matter? How decide? Are comparisons useful? Are
    case studies sufficient?
  • Does it make a difference where you start
    theoretically?

28
Concluding questions
  • Same old differences in new form?
  • What does notion of embodiment add that isnt
    captured by gendered identities?
  • Is the key difference in the nature of
    interactive work?
  • Is theoretical promiscuity the best way forward?
  • And what about political resistance/ basis of
    struggles for (migrant) low status service
    workers in interactive jobs?
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