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Scarlet Letters and Recidivism: Does an Old Criminal Record Predict Future Criminal Behavior Megan K

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Title: Scarlet Letters and Recidivism: Does an Old Criminal Record Predict Future Criminal Behavior Megan K


1
Scarlet Letters and Recidivism Does an Old
Criminal Record Predict Future Criminal
Behavior?Megan KurlychekUniversity of South
Carolina Robert BrameUniversity of South
Carolina Shawn BushwayUniversity of Maryland
2
Obstacles for Offenders
  • Individuals with a criminal record encounter
    difficulties when they return to the community.
  • Voting disenfranchisement.
  • Restricted access to public housing.
  • Reduced/terminated parenting and adoption rights.
  • Ineligibiliy for student loans and grants
  • Restricted volunteer and civic activities
  • Obstacles to Employment
  • Legal bars (armed robber cant work in a gun
    shop).
  • Discretionary hiring rejections

3
Collateral Consequences of Criminal Records Have
Become Increasingly Severe in Recent Years
  • Almost all states restrict voting rights for
    individuals with a felony conviction (Uggen and
    Manza 2002). The percentage of states
    restricting access to the polls is currently at
    an all-time high.
  • Students convicted of drug-related offenses are
    barred from receiving federal financial aid
    (Higher Education Act of 1998).
  • Drug-related felons experience restricted access
    to public assistance and food stamps (1996
    Federal Welfare Law).
  • Federal Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997
    provides for restrictions on adoption and foster
    parenting for people with certain types of
    convictions.
  • In 1996, an estimated 56 of large employers
    conducted criminal background checks By 2004,
    the percentage of large companies conducting
    criminal background checks rose to 80.

4
Reasons for Increased Reliance on Criminal
Background Screening
  • Protection of property and preservation of a safe
    and orderly environment.
  • Reduced risk of liability.
  • Competitive market for employment or access to
    services - obvious reason to reduce size of
    applicant pool.
  • Because they can improved technology, reduced
    cost.

5
Risk of New Offenses By Number of Prior
Offenses (1958 Philadelphia Birth Cohort Males,
N13,160)
6
Constraining Influences
  • Fundamental fairness sentence has been imposed
    by criminal justice system. Debt to society has
    been paid when sentence is served
  • Behavioral outcomes redemption barriers may
    increase likelihood of recidivism and
    paradoxically decrease public safety.
  • Laws - Wisconsin statute described by Pager
    (2003946) Employers are cautioned that crimes
    may only be considered if they closely relate to
    the specific duties required of the job, however
    shocking the crime may have been.

7
Unresolved Policy Issues
  • What is a criminal record?
  • How accurate are databases used for criminal
    record screening?
  • Should evidence of rehabilitation be considered
    along with a criminal record?
  • What level of access to juvenile records should
    be allowed?
  • Consideration of ancillary criminal record
    information such as the number of
    arrests/convictions, the types of offenses in the
    record, or the amount of time that has passed
    since the last offense in the record.

8
Five Year Arrest Recidivism Hazard Rate Among
Offenders Arrested for the First Time at Ages
18-20 (N 805)
9
Research Questions
  • Among individuals who have offended in the past,
    does the probability of committing new offenses
    decline as the time since the last offense
    increases?
  • If so, does it decline to the point that it
    becomes indistinguishable from those who have no
    record of past offending?
  • Simulates the situation of an employer who
    obtains an arrest record of a job candidate.

10
An Example
  • Consider a group of individuals who have a prior
    record but the last entry in that record occurred
    at age 18 (Group 1).
  • These individuals are now age 35. What
    proportion of them will accumulate a new entry
    this year?
  • Now consider another group of individuals who
    have no prior record (Group 2).
  • These individuals are now age 35. What
    proportion of them will accumulate a new entry
    this year?

11
Our objective is to understand whether
  • (1) the risk of new criminal record entries
    (among those with prior records) drops with
    increasing time since the last entry and, if it
    does,
  • (2) does that risk approach the level found
    among those with no record?
  • Group 1 gt Group 2 - Persistence
  • Group 1 lt Group 2 - Redemption

12
Two Studies
  • Study 1 - Data from 13,160 males from the 1958
    Philadelphia birth cohort study (Tracy et al.,
    1985) followed through age 27.
  • Study 2 - Data from 670 males from the 1942
    Racine birth cohort study (Shannon, 1982)
    followed through age 32.

13
Study 1 - Data Overview
  • Sample of N 13,160 males from the 1958
    Philadelphia birth cohort study.
  • Born in Philadelphia in 1958.
  • Resided in city between ages 10 and 17.
  • Includes history of police contacts for criminal
    offenses through age 17.
  • Includes history of arrests for criminal offenses
    between from age 18 to age 26.
  • No requirement that individuals reside in city as
    adults some individuals may have moved away and
    some may have been incarcerated for at least part
    of the period.

14
Descriptive Information
  • Total N 13,160
  • The majority of these individuals had no record
    of any criminal activity through age 24 (N
    8,043 61.1).
  • A smaller but significant group of individuals
    had experienced police contact for criminal
    activities as juveniles (through age 17) but no
    adult arrests through age 24 (N 2,197 16.7).
  • Last Arrest at Age 18 432 3.3
  • Last Arrest at Age 19 341 2.6
  • Last Arrest at Age 20 292 2.2
  • Last Arrest at Age 21 361 2.7
  • Last Arrest at Age 22 403 3.1
  • Last Arrest at Age 23 497 3.8
  • Last Arrest at Age 24 594 4.5

15
Probability of Failure at Age 25-26
16
Another Perspective
  • Lets assume that juvenile offending records are
    unavailable and now consider two groups of
    individuals
  • those who offend at least once at age 18.
  • those who refrain from offending at age 18.

17
Hazard Rate
  • Now, we follow both groups of individuals from
    age 19 through age 26.
  • At each age, we ask the following question Of
    those who have survived this far without a new
    arrest, what proportion acquire a new arrest at
    this age?
  • The answer to this question is given by the
    estimated hazard rate for that age.
  • We are interested in whether the hazard rate
    declines over time for the age 18 offenders and
    whether it approaches the hazard rate for the age
    18 nonoffenders.

18
Hazard Rate Analysis Using Philadelphia Data
  • N 13,160 Males
  • Age 18 Offenders - N 1,009 (7.7)
  • Age 18 Nonoffeners - N 12,151 (92.3)
  • For each group, at age 19, we calculate the
    proportion of individuals who fail.
  • For each group, at each age after 19, we
    calculate the proportion of individuals who fail
    among those who have not failed between age 19
    and that age.
  • To sum up, we are interested in the following
    quantity Given a population of individuals who
    have not failed prior to a given age, what
    proportion will fail at that age?

19
Hazard Rate Trend for Age 18 Nonoffenders (N
12,151)
20
Hazard Rate Trend for Age 18 Offenders (N 1,009)
21
Hazard Rate Trend for Both Groups
22
Adult Hazard Rates for Age-18 Violent and
Non-Violent Offenders
23
Study 2 - Data Overview
  • Sample of N 670 males from the 1942 Racine
    birth cohort study.
  • Born in Racine, Wisconsin in 1942.
  • Includes history of police contacts for criminal
    offenses through age 32.
  • Offense prevalence rates are higher in Racine
    than in Philadelphia.
  • Smaller sample size creates some obstacles
  • Increases uncertainty about the estimated onset
    and recidvisim rates.
  • Does not allow us to investigate the types of
    offenses (e.g., violent vs. non-violent).

24
Descriptive Information
  • About 30 of these individuals had no contacts
    prior to age 25.
  • About 26 had escaped contact with the police
    through age 27.
  • About 18 (119) of these individuals had at least
    one juvenile contact but then had no further
    contacts between ages 18 and 24.
  • About 15 (100) had at least one juvenile
    contact but no further contacts between ages 18
    and 27.

25
Probability of Failure at Age 25-32
26
Probability of Failure at Age 28-32
27
Hazard Rate Trend for Juvenile Offenders and
Nonoffenders
28
Hazard Rate Trend for Age 18 Offenders and
Nonoffenders
29
Hazard Rate Trend for Age 19 Offenders and
Nonoffenders
30
Hazard Rate Trend for Age 20 Offenders and
Nonoffenders
31
Hazard Rate Trend for Young Adult Offenders and
Nonoffenders
32
Conclusions
  • Abundant evidence that access to criminal records
    is easier and less expensive than ever.
  • Many unresolved issues about the boundaries of
    appropriate use of these records and the utility
    of imposing restrictions based on information
    obtained from them.
  • One key consideration is the time that has
    elapsed since the last arrest or contact.

33
Conclusions (Continued)
  • Our analyses of two birth cohort data sets
    suggest that older criminal records are
    significantly less predictive of future behavior
    than new criminal records.
  • The Racine analysis actually indicates that after
    about 7 years, a criminal record provides little
    insight into the risk of new police contacts.
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