Every Movement in Its Right Place: A geopolitical analysis of the living wage movements success in t - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

1 / 21
About This Presentation
Title:

Every Movement in Its Right Place: A geopolitical analysis of the living wage movements success in t

Description:

Demographics not quite right, as in the mid-90s not as many ethnic minorities here ... are operating in network fashion across different scales and in ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

Number of Views:99
Avg rating:3.0/5.0
Slides: 22
Provided by: ian61
Category:

less

Transcript and Presenter's Notes

Title: Every Movement in Its Right Place: A geopolitical analysis of the living wage movements success in t


1
Every Movement in Its Right Place A geopolitical
analysis of the living wage movements success in
the Twin Cities
  • Questions/Comments/Spam
  • ioas_at_umn.edu

2
Outline of Presentation
  • Introduction to Living Wage Concept
  • Problem Statement
  • Methodology
  • Review of Agnews Theory of Place coupled with
  • Cursory analysis of the St Paul movement through
    the three elements of place that Agnew
    emphasizes
  • Conclusion place plays a crucial factor in
    determining the success of particular strategies
    of resistance to neoliberal practices in this
    case, the living wage movement and this has the
    potential to be compared

3
Living Wage Idea Movement
  • What is the living wage movement?
  • Living wage ordinance in general, if a city or
    county gives a certain amount of funding to a
    company, it must pay its employees 110 of the
    income that the Federal Government deems to be
    the poverty level for a family of four residing
    in that locality
  • Gained momentum in mid-90s, as cities began to
    increasingly subsidize corporate relocations,
    etc., and roll-out neoliberalism shoved many
    traditional social and market responsibilities to
    the urban level
  • Baltimore/Milwaukee Area enacted first such
    ordinances in 1994
  • Movement was systematically planned by the New
    Party before it began springing up
  • The New Party was a new political party focused
    on the local scale but networked nationally and
    incorporating many community organizations
  • April 1994 New Party national meeting decided to
    launch 11 living wage movements in different
    cities within next two years

4
Living Wage in Twin Cities
  • New Party found enough signatures to put it to
    referendum in St. Paul by 1995
  • Minneapolis did not allow ballot initiatives so
    Saint Paul was targeted first
  • Though leading in the polls up until near the
    election, the initial referendum on the living
    wage in Saint Paul lost
  • City Council largely opposed (only one member
    vocally supported it)
  • Mayor and Chamber of Commerce were against
    ordinance
  • After defeat, New Party and other groups involved
    regrouped
  • Were able to induce both Minneapolis and Saint
    Paul to agree on establishing an unprecedented
    joint Minneapolis-Saint Paul Living Wage
    Taskforce to make recommendations on the LW to
    the councils
  • Taskforce met every two weeks for over six months
    and came up with recommendations that were passed
    by both citys in early 1997

5
Questions for Research
  • Why and How?
  • Why did the initial referendum fail in a
    traditionally liberal community?
  • How did a taskforce representing two cities at
    once and made up of a diverse mix of interests
    including many neoliberal ones come to
    concordance on the living wage and induce both
    city councils to pass a living wage ordinance
  • Problem Statement
  • Such questions can only be answered, or at least
    scrutinized, in a geographical framework of
    analysis, because place and scale are both
    pivotally important
  • Using Agnews theory of place and Peter Taylors
    scale framework, my project analyzes the
    agencies, processes, and networking behind the
    initial demise and eventual success of the LWM in
    the Twin Cities

6
Methods
  • Case study of a large (in time and actors)
    political process
  • Lots of reading about Living Wage Movement
  • Academic,
  • Some posing as academic, and
  • Much of it self-aggrandizing propaganda coming
    from the national organizations involved
  • Archival research of
  • New Party meeting notes
  • Taskforce meeting minutes
  • National and Local newspaper clippings and
  • Local opinion/editorials
  • Interview with founding member of the Twin Cities
    New Party

7
Agnews Take on Place
  • Broken Down into Three Realms
  • Location
  • Locale
  • Sense of Place
  • Location
  • The economic and geopolitical role that a said
    place has within the larger world (i.e.,
    political-economy)
  • St Paul and Twin Cities not actually on LWMs
    initial list of cities
  • Internal movement fight over whether Twin Cities
    should be included
  • Demographics not quite right, as in the mid-90s
    not as many ethnic minorities here
  • Population was not as large as Chicago, Los
    Angeles, etc.
  • Not strategically very important to the movement

8
Sense of Place
  • SENSE OF PLACE
  • Essentially, the feeling of identity, or
    identities, arising from a place
  • Not always positive or tangible
  • Often contestable and in conflict
  • Sense of place is the most dynamic aspect of
    place
  • Shaped by location and locale and dependent upon
    the individual
  • Saint Paul Affirmative
  • Historically, Saint Paul (and the Twin Cities in
    general) viewed as liberal and progressive
  • St. Paul Sense of Place Negative
  • Boringest city in the US according to 60
    Minutes television show
  • Lost in shadow of fraternal twin city,
    Minneapolis (Hawley 2003)
  • Minneapolis was ranked most fun city in the US
    two years ago
  • At this time, Minneapolis dominated the skyline,
    so to speak, perceived to be home to many of the
    niceties of the metro area
  • Saint Paul a bureaucratic, state capital that
    everyone leaves at 5 p.m.

9
Sense of Place Conflict
  • My evidence points to the fact that the mayor and
    Chamber of Commerce actually honed in on negative
    aspects of Saint Pauls Sense of Place to
    squash the momentum of the initial referendum
  • Naturally, they used the competitive city
    argument to scare voters into voting against
    something that would benefit many of them,
    including the following arguments
  • Will cause businesses to build elsewhere and even
    leave Saint Paul
  • What about Minneapolis? They didnt have a living
    wage ordinance so companies might move there.
  • (Similar to the smoking ban debates recently.)
  • Image of city as stuffy and no fun it would be
    impossible to get a sports team to move to the
    city (note a few years later the Minnesota Wild
    came) and to revive downtown

10
Locale
  • LOCALE
  • How people organize themselves in a place
  • Comprised of the socio-political institutions
    (both formal and informal) of a place affecting
    flow and interaction with other agencies and
    places.
  • Formal Institutions neighborhood organizations,
    city councils, churches, unions, universities,
    political parties, et cetera
  • Informal Institutions social clubs,
    interpersonal networking, family, intramural
    sports
  • Example
  • The City Council, New Party, non-profit orgs,
    community development orgs, the unions, and the
    Chamber of Commerce are all examples of formal
    political institutions. However, other smaller,
    informal institutions with influence would be
    university reading groups, neighborhood
    barbecues, post-coffee hour discussions, etc.,
    which are very powerful in shaping our political
    views and in mobilizing us to action.

11
Locale (continued)
  • The referendum lost but the initiative kept
    going
  • The New Party knew a City Council Member who was
    sympathetic to the Living Wage Initiative.
    Numerous small groups continued to pressure the
    council.
  • There remained a large contingent pushing the
    Minneapolis City Council to discuss such an
    ordinance a council member there supported the
    movement as well
  • Shift in institutional tactics from winning
    hearts-and-minds to bureaucratic and policy
  • Those still involved in the LWM networked with
    local council members in both Minneapolis and
    Saint Paul
  • Got the City Councils to form the first ever
    Joint City Taskforce to make a recommendation
    concerning the establishment of a living wage
    ordinance in both of the cities

12
The Power of Infiltrating Local Politics
  • Taskforce Composition
  • Unions Trades
  • Business owners and managers
  • Religious leaders
  • New Party/Progressive Minnesota
  • Chamber of Commerce
  • Non-profits (JOBS NOW Coalition)
  • Minnesota Department of Trade and Economic
    Development
  • Community Neighborhood Development Agencies
  • Banks (e.g., Norwest, etc.)
  • Job Training Center
  • Council members supporting LWM created a
    Taskforce with individuals (e.g., even business
    owners!) who were largely sympathetic to the
    movement
  • Met every two weeks for over half a year to
    hammer out a recommended dual ordinance for both
    Twin Cities

13
Taskforce Recommendations
  • Taskforce came to a consensus and brought their
    recommendations to both city councils November
    26, 1996
  • 2 January 1997 St Paul City Council adopted the
    measure
  • Living wage includes businesses receiving over
    100,000 in the form of loans, bonds, grants,
    and city tax incentives
  • Living wage is pegged to 110 the Federal poverty
    income for a family of four, or 100 if the
    business provides employer-paid health
  • 60 of new jobs created must go to city residents
  • City promised to promote living wage ordinances
    in the greater metro area beyond Saint Paul and
    Minneapolis partially again, for its own
    competitive purposes
  • Minneapolis March of 1997 passed the
    recommendations as well

14
Locale and Sense of Place
  • In the end, it is difficult for any city
    institution to argue for poverty
  • Erica Schoenberger (1998) argues that academics
    and progressive groups have a large part to play
    in the failure of social justice movements in
    American cities
  • She argues that even when academic work on such
    matters is objective, our arguments are framed
    within the discourse of classic economics (i.e.,
    neoliberalism) that promotes the common sense
    ideology of those our science opposes
  • Rather than fight competitive city arguments
    with statistics showing that the living wage
    actually does not hamper job growth, etc., it is
    more useful to argue from the poverty side
  • Taxes and high wages do not keep businesses away
    from urban centers, poverty does. A sense of
    poverty, and the social and political-economic
    dangers associated with it, are what keep
    businesses away and limit economic growth.

15
Conclusions About LWM Success
  • Taskforce was a formal institution comprised of
    powerful and interested parties from both local
    and national scales
  • This institution would not defend the conclusion
    that people should make less than poverty wages,
    nor could it justify that either city provide
    support to businesses paying less than poverty
    level incomes to their employees
  • Biggest debates came over wording of the
    recommendations used to create the ordinance
    (debates over location and sense of place)
  • Loopholes exist in the ordinance for new
    stadiums, and
  • Community Development Organizations to act as
    middlemen in providing city money to some
    businesses
  • In this case, resistance to neoliberalism was
    more successful when progressive, non-mainstream
    local institutions networked themselves within
    formal institutions of authority and power.
  • LW passed a year after it had only found one
    supporter in the city council vote and the public
    had voted the measure down.

16
Why Geography?
  • Whereas political processes are operating in
    network fashion across different scales and in
    different places
  • To fully understand and compare the processes
    behind successful and unsuccessful living wage
    movements, a geographic framework is necessary
    that
  • Encompasses place (i.e., our case studies) and
    agency (operating across scales) and
  • That allows the systematic analysis of place for
    comparative purposes.
  • My paper attempts to do this in the Saint
    Paul-Minneapolis context by using Agnews Theory
    of Place embedded in Peter Taylors scales of the
    political-economy
  • Questions?

17
(No Transcript)
18
Place as Nested in Scale
  • Doreen Massey Open University, UK
  • Places as dynamic networks of social relations
    "which have over time been constructed, laid
    down, interacted with one another, decayed, and
    renewed. Some of these relations will be, as it
    were, contained within the place others will
    stretch beyond it, tying any particular locale
    into wider relations and processes in which other
    places are implicated too.
  • Peter Taylor Loughborough University, UK
  • Three dominant socially constructed scales in
    which all places (as networks of social
    relations) are nested
  • Local Scale scale of experience, where we
    experience everyday life
  • State Scale scale of ideology, traditionally
    promotes policies shaped by individual
    experiences that in turn shape our geopolitical
    imaginations of the larger world (nationalism,
    human rights, religion, common sense of
    neoliberalism)
  • World-Economy scale of reality, the holistic
    scale in which all networks of socio-political
    interaction take place and affect one another,
    and the scale at which capitalism, and perhaps
    the neoliberal ideology, emanates from.

19
Place and Scale
  • Case of LWM in St Paul
  • The State Scale (agencies networks)
  • City of St Paul (and Twin Cities as metro area)
  • Under contemporary neoliberalism, cities such as
    St. Paul use competitiveness argument against
    living wage ordinances
  • New Party was sprouting up across US, was never
    trans-national
  • ACORN national network of community
    organizations still working on living wage
    movements today
  • Local Scale (agencies networks)
  • Political Institutions unions, taskforce,
    political parties, community organizations, and
    local chapters of above networks
  • Agents of Local Power Chamber of Commerce, City
    Council, Mayor, State Capital, etc.
  • Using Taylors Framework with Agnews Theory of
    Place will allow us to analyze the interactions
    between institutions operating both nationally
    and locally

20
Twin Cities Location
  • Not really deemed a major center of economic
    exploitation in the mid-90s, as low unemployment
    forced wages in the Twin Cities region to
    automatically be higher than minimum wage
  • Still, local activists argued that they were not
    high enough
  • Able to network and quickly set up an initiative
    because of strong local institutions

21
Significance
  • By creating a unique framework in which to
    analyze the living wage movement, it is hoped
    that other studies can be conducted in other
    localities for purposes of comparative analysis
  • Numerous studies out there on the living wage
    movement but many are incredibly subjective
    (along the lines of Treanors take on
    Neoliberalism)
  • The studies that are not manifestos come from a
    variety of social science disciplines and have
    little in the way of link to one another
  • Study by Isaac Martin (2001) comes closest to
    having a replicable methodology, but the
    replicable part of his study is conducted at the
    national scale
Write a Comment
User Comments (0)
About PowerShow.com