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WHY DID THE POOREST COUNTRIES FAIL TO CATCH UP

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Title: WHY DID THE POOREST COUNTRIES FAIL TO CATCH UP


1
What really happened, 1980-early 2000s
Lectures 1 and 2
2
Can you teach development? The answer is No!
  • You can teach how to build a dam, or construct
    the road, or possibly to improve school
    curriculum
  • Or how to negotiate a project, or how to keep
    accounts
  • But not development development consists of
    myriads of actions conducted by individuals who
    are motivated by own objectives
  • If devt projects are not built within the
    existing incentive structure, they are like
    cathedrals in the desert (useless)
  • Thus, IFIs can provide money if finance is the
    constraint do actual projects (although they
    may turn useless) or provide technical (macro
    and micro) advice (although it usefulness is
    often doubtful because IFIs have other objectives
    than the wellbeing of a country in question)

3
Discontinuity in development trends around
1978-80
  • The watershed years (Bairoch)
  • Tripling of oil prices
  • Increase in real interest rates (from 1 to 5
    in the USA and the world)
  • Debt crisis
  • Chinas responsibility system introduced
  • Latin American begins its lost decade, E.
    Europe/USSR stagnate

4
The outcome
  • Middle income countries declined (Latin America,
    EEurope/former USSR)
  • China and India pulled ahead
  • Africas position deteriorated further
  • Developed world pulled ahead
  • World growth rate decreased by about 1
    (compared to the 1960-78 period)

5
Different ways to look at world growth rates
6
Annual per capita growth rates 1980-2002
7
Assessment
  • World income growth slowed down by 1 percentage
    point per capita p.a.
  • Poor and populous countries grew much faster and
    average (population-weighted) growth rate even
    increased
  • Countries growth record became much more
    diverseand systematically so

8
Theory and empirics going apart?
  • In theory emphasis on conditional or
    unconditional convergence (based on OECD
    convergence)
  • In empirics 25 years of unconditional divergence
  • This focus on conditional convergence has tended
    to obscure the fact that, across the globe,
    income levels have actually been diverging rather
    than converging over the past forty years
    (Dowrick and Delong, 2001, p. 25)

9
Real income stagnation of countries, 1960-2001
(based on Reddy and Minoiu)
  • Incomet three-year moving average centered at t
  • Stagnation if income is lower than in the
    previous 2 years and higher than in the next 4
    years
  • Turning point income 1 higher than in the
    previous year and 1 lower than in the subsequent
    year
  • Spell of stagnation from the onset to the
    turning point
  • Depth of stagnation (Income at outset Income
    at the minimum) / Income in 2001

10
  • Depth of stagnation shows income loss, that is by
    how much would the end period income be higher if
    instead of stagnation (decline), country had a
    zero real growth (during the stagnation period)
  • It is therefore a conservative estimate of income
    (welfare) loss

11
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15
The overall loss of income is measured in of
2000 output (under the Ho that instead of
stagnation there were zero growth).
16
Stagnation during the four decades
17
Some conclusions
  • Big contrast between Africa and L. America (on
    the one hand) and the rich world (old OECD)
  • The 1980s were the worst decade one-half of
    countries were stagnators, the average length of
    stagnation almost 7 years, (unweighted) income
    loss 20
  • Average income loss in the 1960s was only 14,
    and only 12 of countries were stagnators

18
Factors associated with stagnation (probit on
stagnators)
Not significant initial (1960) GDP per capita,
literacy rate, growth of domestic credit, growth
of exports Model 1, Table 4
19
Growth over 1980-2002 period as function of
initial (1980) income
20
Least developed countries (LLDC) did not grow
between 1980 and 2000
21
Distribution of population (in year 2000)
according to how country did over 1980-2000
22
LLDCs over the period 1980-2002
  • Big time winners
  • Lesotho
  • Uganda (20001970)
  • Bangladesh
  • Big time losers
  • Djibouti
  • Madagascar
  • Niger
  • Sierra Leone
  • Togo
  • Zambia
  • Haiti

23
Top 15 relative winners with respect to the USA,
1980-2006
24
Top 15 relative losers with respect to the USA,
1980-2006
25
Main gainers and losers (excluding oil-producers)
26
The relative decline of Latin America and the
Caribbean (1980-2006) (globalnew.dta)
twoway scatter gama gdpppp if year1980
region3, xscale(log) yline(0) ytitle(percent
gain with respect to usa) xtitle(GDP per capita
in 1980 in 2005 PPPs) xlabel(1000 2000 10000
20000) mlabel(contcod)
27
And of Africa
28
But the relative gain of Asia..
29
Why is divergence of incomes puzzling in an era
of globalization?
30
Definitions of globalization
  • Official World Bank Freedom and ability of
    individuals and firms to initiate voluntary
    economic transactions with residents of other
    countries.
  • Stiglitz Globalization is a closer integration
    of the countries and peoples of the worldbrought
    about byreduction in costs of transportation,
    and the breakdown of artificial barriers to the
    flow of goods, services, capital, knowledge, and
    people across borders (Globalization and its
    discontents)

31
A puzzle of bad performance of LLDC
  • Globalization should benefit more LLDC than the
    rich countries (the convergence hypothesis)
  • Adoption of successful policies from the rich
    world should benefit LLDCs (and even more than
    the rich)
  • But the very opposite happened gt divergence of
    per capita incomes

32
Reform and growth in LAC
From World Bank, Lessons of the 1990s based on
Eduardo Lora
33
Transition countries continued output divergence
despite policy convergence
twoway (line EBRD_sd year) (line gdpppp_sd year,
yaxis(2)), legend(off) text(6.2 1997 "standard
deviation of all gt EBRD indicators") text(3.5
2000 "standard deviation of GDI per capita")
34
LAC countries continued output divergence
despite policy convergence
35
Convergence and divergence
  • Unconditional or s convergence (original studies
    by Baumol for OECD countries based on Maddison
    data). All countries end up with the same
    steady-state equilibrium level (NCGT).
  • Slower growth of richer countries as MPK falls
    and they get closer to technological frontier
    (technology is freely available to all)
  • Conditional or ß convergence (Barro with human
    capital only on the RHS instead of K and L).
    Growth regressions based also on endogeneous
    (new) growth theory each country ends with its
    own steady-state equilibrium

36
Relationship between d and ß convergence
  • Sigma (or any other inequality measure)
    convergence direct judgment about dispersal of
    income levels
  • Beta convergence indirect (regression-based)
    regularity thus not very useful except that it
    allows us to retrieve a structural parameter in a
    growth model
  • ß does not imply d convergence but d convergence
    implies ß convergence (Wodon and Yitzhaki 2006
    Economic Letters).

37
  • Endogeneous growth in response to increasing
    returns to scale (no ? MPs), monopolistic
    competition (no free competition), and no free
    diffusion of technology (see Romer below).
  • All key neoclassical assumptions abandoned, role
    of policies and institutions important
  • Noted Lucas paradox capital flows from rich to
    rich countries mean country incomes diverge
  • But ß convergence compatible with greater
    dispersal of growth rates and incomes
  • Often meaningless if Ethiopia had education
    level and institutions of the US, it would grow
    faster than the US! (These factors are
    concomitant with high income, not independent of
    it.)

38
Endogenous growth Romers key points on
technology
  • Technological change propels growth
  • Technological change endogenous (responds to
    incentives)
  • Technological change (knowledge) is a non-rival
    but partially excludable good (non-rival can be
    used by many excludable you can exclude some
    people from using it)
  • Excludability (intellectual property rights) is
    crucial to cover fixed costs of research and
    leads to increasing economies of scale (and hence
    to divergence in incomes)
  • (Romer The origins of endogenous growth, JEP,
    1994)

39
Only similar countries gain through trade
  • Trade in goods is welfare improving only fort
    countries at the similar level of development
    (reducing redundancy in research effort)
  • If countries have very different factor
    endowments, an increased supply of cheap labor
    (after trade opens up) reduces incentive for the
    K-rich country to innovate its better for the
    US to trade with Europe than with Mexico
  • (Romer The new growth theory, p. 101)

40
The bottom line
  • s convergence among rich countries since WW2 and
    possibly earlier at least in terms of wage-rates
    (Williamson), and even during the Inter-war years
    (Milanovic, Restat)
  • s divergence for the world recently, but also
    historically, since the Industrial revolution
  • The world of increasing returns to scale PF is a
    world of high income and very high inequality
    (examples of Sylicon valley, soccer)

41
Can we explain the bad performance of the poorest
countries?
42
The openness premium turned from being pro-poor
to pro-rich
  • Sachs and Warner (1985) find an openness premium
    of 2.5 pa (higher growth of open countries) for
    the period 1970-90
  • A country closed if (i) tariff rategt40, (ii)
    non-tariff barriers cover 40 of all imports,
    (iii) socialist, (iv) state monopoly of major
    exports, (v) black market premium gt20.

43
Dowrick-deLong results for the two periods
From Dowrick and deLong, Convergence and
Globalization, Table 3
44
Why did it change?
  • The openness premium declined from 2 extra
    growth to only 1.3
  • May be due to other factors omitted in regression
  • Are openness and highly skilled human capital
    complements? (We shall see a similar story with
    respect to globalization and inequality)

45
  • Openness premium still positive, in the post-1980
    world but,
  • It now favors the rich (openness x initial GDP
    per capita) has a positive sign, rather than
    negative as in 1960-80 period
  • (The results persists when more controls
    schooling, population growth, investment arte
    introduced)

46
Looking for proximate causes the likelihood of
war is 3 times higher in LLDC
47
Intensity of reforms gap in 1990-95
48
Policy appropriateness as judged by the World Bank
49
Net appropriateness index difference between
LLDC and middle income countries much less
50
Democracy index (PolityIV) major improvement in
the 1990 and then deterioration
51
Average tariff rate continued decline
52
How much do LLDC trade (in terms of their GDI)?
53
How much investment do they get (in terms of
their GDI)?
54
First cutLLDC vs. middle income countries
  • Much greater likelihood of war
  • Very slow reforms in the 1990s but pick up later
  • Policies not significantly less appropriate
  • Decreasing average level of protection
  • Increasing trade/GDI but still 20 below middle
    income countries
  • DFI/GDI about the same and increasing
  • Lower democracy and deterioration since around
    1995

55
The effect on ROG pc pa (country fixed effects
in percent)
56
So why did a typical LLDC fail to catch up?
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