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The Health Consequences of Incarceration

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Title: The Health Consequences of Incarceration


1
The Health Consequences of Incarceration
  • Michael Massoglia
  • Penn State University

2
2 Basic Questions
  • Does incarceration affect later physical health?
  • Does incarceration explain some of the racial
    disparity in health between whites and nonwhites?

3
Mechanisms and Processes
  • The correlates of health and crime are similar.
  • Macro structures Inequality, poverty,
    residential conditions.
  • Shaw and Mckay (1934)
  • Life course markers Marriage, educational
    attainment, income
  • Individual factors Substance use, risk taking
    behavior

4
Spurious Associations
  • Lifestyle theories
  • Suggests an association may be evident, but a
    function of lifestyle choices (i.e. drug use) and
    therefore spurious
  • Personality theories
  • Suggests an association may be evident, but a
    function of underlying individual characteristic
    (i.e. risk taking behavior) and therefore spurious

5
Linking Health to Incarceration Status
  • Social Bonds and the Life Course
  • Fractured bonds
  • Living Conditions
  • Exposure to disease and stress
  • Social Hierarchy
  • Societal participation and control over life

6
Racial Differences In Health
  • One of the most persistent findings in the
    literature indicates racial inequalities in
    health
  • Whites have better health than minorities across
    almost all indicators of health
  • Williams and Collins (1995) conclude that black
    health functioning has worsened over the last 25
    years
  • Blacks can expect to live fewer years while at
    the same time living more of their life with
    chronic disease (Hayward 1999)
  • Large scale systems of inequality are often used
    to explain these persistent health differences

7
Incarceration in the United States
  • Significant increase in rates of incarceration
    over the last 25-30 years
  • Incarceration a phase in the life course for
    some individuals, particularly poor minorities
    (Pettit and Western 2004)
  • Risk of imprisonment Changes from 1979-1999
  • Whites (1.4------2.9) Less than HS
    (4.1----11.2)
  • Blacks (10.5----20.5) Less than HS (17.1---58.9)

8
Incarceration in the United States
  • Correctional policies and the emergence of a new
    felon class in society. Estimates indicate
    this new class comprises
  • 7.5 percent of the adult population
  • 22.3 percent of the black adult population
  • 33.4 percent of the black adult male population
  • (Uggen et al 2006)

9
Prisons and Inequality
  • System of inequality?
  • Prisons and stratification in the labor market
    and earnings (Western and Beckett 1999 Western
    2002 Pager 2003)
  • In the labor market, Pager concluded the mark
    of a criminal record is more detrimental to
    blacks
  • Disruption of the marriage market more severe for
    blacks (Staples 1987 Wilson)
  • Irwin (1985) underclass of society

10
Prisons and Exposure
  • National Commission on Correctional Health Care
    report (2002)
  • Total HIV/AIDS 151,000-197,000 (20-26)
  • Hepatitis B 155,000 (12-16)
  • Hepatitis C 1.3-1.4 million (38)
  • Tuberculosis outbreaks linked to correctional
    institutions

11
Data
  • National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79)
  • A comprehensive health module in the NLSY, given
    to respondents at the age of 40 (N5556)
  • Dependent Variable Measure of physical health
    functioning at age 40.
  • A composite indicator capturing a range of health
    functioning taken from a widely used health
    questionnaire (SF-12)

12
NLSY
  • Equally divided between men and women, ages
    40-44, 66 married.
  • 20 at or below 125 of poverty level.
  • Approximately 75 white, average 13.7 years of
    schooling, 81 in the labor force.
  • About 23 report binge drinking (5 drinks at one
    time, 2-3 times a month) or cigarette use.
    Slightly less than half the sample reports weekly
    exercise.
  • Slightly more than 5 of the sample was
    incarcerated, disproportionately minority.
    Average time of incarceration about 34 months.

13
Basic Associations in Health
14
Health Values-Racial Differences
15
Two types of analysis
  • Regression analysis with covariate adjustment
  • Controls for prior health, life course markers,
    and lifestyle indicators
  • Propensity models
  • Account for differences across persons or groups
    in the likelihood of experiencing a treatment
  • Rationale Non-random likelihood of experiencing
    incarceration may bias the results generated from
    OLS

16
Propensity Score Models
  • Account for differences across persons or groups
    in the likelihood of experiencing a treatment.
  • Rationale Non-random likelihood of experiencing
    incarceration may bias the results generated from
    OLS.
  • Average effects and standard estimator (Rosenbaum
    and Rubin 1983 Winship and Morgan 1998).
  • The way individuals are assigned, or assign
    themselves, to the treatment determines how
    effectively the standard estimator estimates the
    true effect.
  • Key assumption Assignment into treatment is
    uncorrelated with outcome.
  • Tables.pdf

17
Discussion
  • Incarceration is a powerful predictor of health
  • Suggest incarceration impacts health multiple
    ways
  • Disease and stress exposure
  • Fractured social bonds
  • Social hierarchy and social status
  • Contributes to racial inequalities in physical
    health

18
Implications for Policy
  • Prison as part of the health care system.
  • Much attention toward health care while in
    prison. Yet little attention toward the long
    term health implications.
  • Consequences of releasing 600,000 people a year
    from prisons.
  • Prison programs that promote maintaining social
    bonds.
  • Social policies that promote societal
    reintegration
  • Education and workplace skills programs.
  • Restoring the rights of inmates.

19
Directions for Future Work
  • Short term vs long terms effects of incarceration
  • Gender differences
  • Regional or institutional variation
  • Variation in mental health
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