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Title: Discussions of the King/King Reader MBA 628


1
Discussions of the King/King ReaderMBA 628
2
The Doha Development AgendaAnne McGuirk Reading
6
  • After the Seattle debacle in 1999, a new trade
    round in Doha was scheduled. It promised to show
    greater concern for the needs and interests of
    the developing countries.
  • What was the Uruguay Round?

3
The Doha Development AgendaAnne McGuirk Reading
6
  • Launched 15 years ago it resulted in tariff cuts
    covering a greater share of world trade than
    under any previous round, and it launched the WTO
    from GATT.

4
The Doha Development AgendaAnne McGuirk Reading
6
  • But the world trade system still faces major
    challenges. What are they?
  • High tariffs and trade-distorting subsidies in
    agriculture
  • Other trade obstacles, e.g., industrial subsidies
    and intellectual property rights

5
The Doha Development AgendaAnne McGuirk Reading
6
  • Many poorer countries feel they are bearing the
    burdens of earlier agreements (customs valuation,
    intellectual property rights) without enjoyed the
    benefits of better market access and without
    adequate technical and financial assistance.

6
The Doha Development AgendaAnne McGuirk Reading
6
  • The Doha Development Agenda, adopted in Nov.,
    2001, called for a more coherent approach to
    trade and development. Hard bargaining
    established the scope of the agenda. See the
    table on p. 70.

7
The Doha Development AgendaAnne McGuirk Reading
6
  • Where is the Doha Round at today?
  • Has any progress been made?

8
The Doha Development AgendaAnne McGuirk Reading
6
  • The WTO met in 2003 for only a very short time.
    The developing countries presented only modest
    concessions to begin the negotiations. The
    developing countries said they wouldnt do.
  • And the meetings were over!
  • Back to the drawing board.

9
Bridging The Trade-Environment Divide, Daniel
C. EstyReading 7
  • Environmental view
  • Increased trade increased manufacturing and
    economic growth environmental
    degradation.
  • Policy prescriptions
  • Stop trade and growth?
  • Not formally. Impose trade sanctions!

10
Bridging The Trade-Environment Divide, Daniel
C. Esty
  • Economic views
  • Increased trade increased growth
    economic well-being

11
Bridging The Trade-Environment Divide, Daniel
C. Esty
  • Slow Kuznets curve (environment improves
    about 5,000 8,000 per capita GDP
    environmental decline
  • Increased trade increased growth
    economic well-being
  • greater environmental
    concern and resources to respond to it.

Developing Countries
Advanced Trading Countries
12
Economic Policy Prescriptions
  • Policy Prescriptions
  • 1. Find balance. Starving people couldnt care
    less about the environment. Note the
    deforestation of parts of the world where the
    forests are used to heat huts for the winter.
  • 2. Some prefer letting trade people take care of
    trade. Take your environmental complaints to
    other specialists.

13
Estys View
  • Who is Esty?
  • Environmentalist. Lawyer. Yale Professor.
  • Whom is he addressing in this article?
  • A functioning Global Environmental Organization,
    operating in parallel with the trading system,
    might be a first-best policy option in response
    to these challenges. But no such regime exists.
    Thus, the WTO along with regional trade
    agreements cannot avoid some shared
    responsibility.

14
Bridging The Trade-Environment Divide, Daniel
C. Esty
  • Esty argues that transboundary externalities
    are a key issue in upcoming trade talks.
  • What are transboundary externalities?
  • See p. 75.

15
Bridging The Trade-Environment Divide, Daniel
C. Esty
  • Give examples.
  • Why do they matter?
  • What institutions do you believe are necessary to
    deal with transboundary externalities?
  • Have you all heard of the economics solution.
    Describe it? Will it work?

16
Bridging The Trade-Environment Divide, Daniel
C. Esty
  • Why is NAFTA referred to as a green trade pact?
  • How did that work? (p. 76)
  • Why are trade advocates and environmentalists
    allies?
  • How are they enemies?

17
Bridging The Trade-Environment Divide, Daniel
C. Esty
  • Most environmentalists argue that, absent
    restrictions, free trade will lead to a race to
    the bottom.
  • What do they mean by that? Give an example.
  • Does Esty agree with this assessment?
  • Does he see other issues in coordinating policies?

18
Labor Standards Drusilla K. BrownReading 8
  • What are the key labor issues that need to be
    addressed in trade talks?
  • Universally accepted rights regarding working
    conditions.
  • Protect labor interests by incorporating labor
    rights into international trade law.
  • Opponents say that regulation of labor markets is
    a matter of national sovereignty and should be
    domestic policy.

19
Labor Standards Drusilla K. Brown
  • Of these which does Brown think are the most
    important?
  • To analyze the arguments for coordinating labor
    standards internationally.
  • Do labor policies for developing countries have
    adverse consequences for workers in
    industrialized countries?
  • Should labor standards by introduced formally
    into the negotiations of the WTO?

20
Labor Standards Justice
  • Is it just to attempt to establish standards in
    all of these areas without regard for the level
    of economic development and cultural norms?
  • Child labor practices depend on the level of
    development. For many families the income earned
    by their children is a matter of the familys
    survival. (p. 90)

21
ILO Or WTO?
  • Does Estys non-existent first-best
    organization exist in the field of labor rights?
  • See p. 90.
  • Why then must the task of labor-rights
    enforcement fall to the WTO?

22
The Two Faces of Labor Unions
  • What are they?
  • See p. 95.

23
1998 ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles
  • Freedom of Association/ Right to collective
    bargaining.
  • Elimination of forced or compulsory labor Poor
    workers must offer their own labor as collateral
    to obtain a loan.
  • Abolition of child labor (Put the child to work
    if you cant borrow against the educated childs
    future income.)
  • Elimination of discrimination of employment and
    occupation.

24
Trade and Wages (Stolper/Samuelson)
  • To what extent is the decline in the return to
    unskilled labor in the US in the last few decades
    the result of international trade with low-wage
    countries?
  • To what extent is that trade the consequence of
    low labor standards?

25
Trade and Wages (Stolper/Samuelson)
  • There is little evidence that the relative price
    of labor-intensive goods fell during the 1980s,
    as one would expect if imports from low-income
    countries were undercutting less-skilled US
    labor. (p. 96)

26
Trade and Wages (Stolper/Samuelson)
  • The debate continues, but to this point the
    evidence supports the argument that skill-biased
    technological change is more important than trade
    as an explanation of wage inequality in the US,
    although rising levels of trade with low-income
    countries may have played a secondary role. (p.
    97)

27
Trade and Wages (Stolper/Samuelson)
  • Empirical studies find the link from low labor
    standards in low-income countries to the wage of
    unskilled workers in industrial countries not
    especially strong.
  • Labor standards are at most a secondary
    determinant of wages in low-income countries.

28
Labor Standards Race to the Bottom
  • Prisoners dilemma
  • Alone a country faces an incentive to adopt low
    standards. But all such countries together would
    benefit from a coordinated choice of higher labor
    standards.
  • How does that work?
  • (p. 98)

29
Effect of Tightening World Labor Standards?
  • Dong so will constrict the world supply of labor
    (fewer labor slaves, higher age of entry and less
    child labor, etc.)
  • Wages worldwide rise, pushing up the price of
    labor-intensive goods exported by developing
    countries.

30
The WTO and Labor Standards
  • The WTO does not have an enforcement mechanism
    for low labor standards.
  • Opponents of a social clause argue that
    negotiating trade and domestic policy
    simultaneously will create a morass.

31
Labor Standards Drusilla K. Brown
  • Should we use trade sanctions to force countries
    with low labor standards to comply with higher
    standards?
  • Trade sanctions in the face of low labor
    standards are as likely or even more likely to
    harm workers as they are to improve working
    conditions.

32
Labor Standards Drusilla K. Brown
  • Why does brown argue that child labor laws might
    encourage economic growth?
  • Maybe in the long term.
  • What about a tax on products made by child labor?

33
Labor Standards Drusilla K. Brown
  • What about a tax on products made by child labor?
  • Good if it means fewer children working and more
    getting educated
  • Not so good if the newly unemployed children live
    with lower incomes, less nutrition, and otherwise
    diminished alternatives. The imposition of the
    tax will cause children who continue to work to
    receive a lower after-tax wage.

34
Labor Standards Drusilla K. Brown
  • Brown Concludes
  • If trade sanctions are actually employed in
    pursuit of higher labor standards, the effect
    will often be to hurt precisely those who are the
    focus of humanitarian concerns.

35
Labor Standards Drusilla K. Brown
  • Labor rights activists still favor some link
    between the ILO and the WTO on labor issues to
    provide the ILO with enforcement power.
  • Such a link could slow the process of trade
    liberalization. But would the gains from
    improving the relatively inadequate labor
    standards be larger than the losses from raising
    the already close-to-optimal tariff levels?

36
Labor Standards Fini
37
Borders Beyond ControlReading 9
Jagdish Bhagwati
  • Why does Bhagwati believe that immigration cannot
    be stopped?
  • Would it be desirable to stem the flow of
    immigration?

38
Borders Beyond ControlJagdish Bhagwati
  • If the US tried to stem the flow, what do you
    think would happen?
  • Are the developed countries against an inflow of
    skilled workers?

39
Borders Beyond ControlJagdish Bhagwati
  • How and why do most skilled workers come to this
    country?
  • Are most immigrants to this country from Mexico
    and Latin American walk-ons?

40
Borders Beyond ControlJagdish Bhagwati
  • What is Bhagwatis solution to the problem?

41
WTO and Intellectual Property RightsPhilip G.
King
  • What are TRIPS?
  • Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property
    Rights
  • How do IPRs differ from other types of property?
  • Intangible
  • Non-rival in consumption

42
The WTO and Property Rights
  • The TRIPS agreements specify how basic property
    rights principles should be applied, how
    protection of IPRs should be given and how the
    laws should be enforced.
  • Explain the concern of developing countries about
    the lack of protection for traditional creativity
    as opposed to specific, new creative works. (p.
    115)

43
The WTO and Property Rights
  • What is the issue with pharmaceuticals and
    property rights?
  • Drugs are granted patents and protected. What
    does that do for AIDS in Africa?
  • What about drugs for diseases like malaria?
  • Are such drugs in some sense public goods?

44
  • The World Bank estimates the revenue implications
    of the current TRIPS agreements. How do they
    look?
  • They will increase revenues to the US by about
    19 billion.
  • The developing countries cost will be
  • 7.5 billion.

45
King Pharmaceutical companies widely practice
differential pricing
  • What are the implications?

46
Global Governance of TradeReading 12 Dani
Rodrik
  • Rodrik is a very independent thinker and a good
    economist. He is Rafiq Hariri Professor of
    International Political Economy at the John F.
    Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University.
    He is affiliated with the NBER.

47
Global Governance of TradeReading 12 Dani
Rodrik
  • He is a deep thinker and surprises the reader by
    taking positions that seem untenable at first
    glance. But he then very persuasively defends
    those positions.

48
Global Governance of TradeReading 12 Dani
Rodrik
  • This article is too full of material to make a
    complete discussion of the issues he addresses
    possible. So I will just refer to a few concepts
    he addresses for discussion.
  • He starts by quoting a WTO statement
  • The surest way to do more to help the poor is
    to continue to open markets. He notes that this
    view is backed up by a voluminous empirical
    literature.

49
Global Governance of TradeReading 12 Dani
Rodrik
  • What does he find wrong with this?
  • It confuses ends and means. Trade becomes the
    lens through which development is perceived
    rather than the other way around. (p. 126)

50
Global Governance of TradeReading 12 Dani
Rodrik
  • This paper presents a different view of
    development. Whats the view?

51
Global Governance of TradeReading 12 Dani
Rodrik
  • It questions the centrality of trade and trade
    policy, emphasizing instead the critical role of
    domestic institutional innovations that often
    depart from political orthodoxy.

52
Global Governance of TradeReading 12 Dani
Rodrik
  • When isnt trade much of a factor in economic
    development?

53
Global Governance of TradeReading 12 Dani
Rodrik
  • Opening up the economy is hardly ever a key
    factor at the outset. The initiating reforms
    instead tend to be a combination of
    unconventional institutional innovations
    requiring local knowledge and experimentation for
    successful implementation.

54
Global Governance of TradeReading 12 Dani
Rodrik
  • There is no convincing evidence that trade
    liberalization is predictably associated with
    subsequent economic growth.
  • The problem is not trade liberalization per se,
    but the diversion of financial resources and
    political capital from more urgent and deserving
    developmental priorities.
  • (P. 128)

55
Global Governance of TradeReading 12 Dani
Rodrik
  • First, the trade regime must accept, rather than
    seek to eliminate, institutional diversity along
    with the right of countries to protect their
    institutional arrangements. (p. 128)

56
Global Governance of TradeReading 12 Dani
Rodrik
  • Does Rodrik condemn ISI?
  • See p. 132.

57
Trade Liberalization vs. Development
  • See the (p. 136) Viet Nam/Haiti comparison. What
    was the conclusion?

58
Trade Liberalization vs. Development
  • The literature is replete with cross-national
    studies concluding that growth and economic
    dynamism are strongly linked to more liberal
    trade policies, but those studies are flawed,
    says Rodrik.
  • How are they flawed?

59
Trade Liberalization vs. Development
  • He and Rodriguez found a major gap between the
    policy conclusions typically drawn and what the
    research has actually shown

60
Trade Liberalization vs. Development
  • A common problem has been the misattribution of
    macro phenomena (e.g., overvalued currencies or
    macro instability) or geographical location
    (e.g., in the tropical zone) to trade policies.
  • Once these problems are corrected, any meaningful
    relationship across countries between the level
    of trade barriers and economic growth
    evaporates. (p. 137)

61
Outward-Oriented Industrialization
  • This involves governmental policies supporting
    the direction of investment funds, etc., as in
    Korea.
  • The techniques involved are now largely barred by
    WTO rules. Why?

62
Then Whats the Key to Development?
63
The Key to Successful Development
  • Innovative development policy (that cant turn
    its back on trade and foreign investment
    contributions) focuses on promoting investment,
    growth and poverty alleviation.
  • It achieves trade and global integration as a
    by-product. Trade liberalization alone is not
    necessarily productive of development.

64
General Principles of an InternationalTrade
Regime That Puts Development First
  • Trade is a means to an end, not an end in itself
  • Trade rules have to allow for diversity in
    national institutions and standards.
  • Non-democratic countries cannot count on the same
    trade privileges as democratic ones.

65
General Principles of an InternationalTrade
Regime That Puts Development First
  • Countries have the right to protect their own
    institutions and development priorities.
  • But countries do not have the right to impose
    their institutional preferences on others.
  • (See pp. 142-145)

66
What are Development-friendly Measures?
  • Greatly restrict the use of anti-dumping measures
    in advanced industrial countries when exports
    originate from developing countries.
  • Allow greater mobility of workers across
    international boundaries.

67
Development-friendly Measures
  • Require that all existing and future WTO
    agreements be fully costed outcondition the
    phasing in of these agreementson the provision
    of commensurate financial assistance.

68
Development-friendly Measures
  • Strengthen the rewards to the successful dispute
    settlement claims of developing countries.
  • Provide legal assistance for WTO dispute
    settlement to developing countries.

69
Economic Developments during NAFTAs First
Decade, Joanna Moss Reading 14
70
What led to the NAFTA?
  • After President Madrids decade-long economic
    reforms, Mexico joined GATT in 1986 then wanted
    to join the 1989 Canadian-U.S. Free Trade
    Agreement. Pres. Salinas proposed a North
    American Free Trade Area in 1990, which went into
    effect January 1, 1994.

71
  • The main provisions were that goods and services
    eventually be exchanged without tariffs or
    non-tariff barriers.
  • Free trade in ag to be phased in over a 15-year
    period.
  • Cross-border investment liberalized.

72
What were the NAFTA side agreements?
  • See p, 156
  • Environmental Protocol
  • Labor Protocol
  • Snap-back Provision

73
How important is the US market to Canada and
Mexico?
  • See Table 2, p. 160

74
Has NAFTA been a success?
  • Advocates believe it has been a tremendous
    success as NAFTA has boosted Mexican exports and
    foreign investment in Mexico.
  • Critics find fault.
  • What does Moss add to the discussion?

75
Its hard to separate NAFTA effects from other
developments
  • What were these developments?
  • Mexicos trade liberalization policies already in
    effect when they joined NAFTA
  • The more open Mexican economy beginning in the
    1980s.
  • The maquiladora program. What was that?
  • The Peso crisis of 1994-95.
  • What caused it?
  • Did the bailout work?

76
What happened to trade with NAFTA?
  • U.S. export growth to Mexico is c. 16.3 higher
    per year under NAFTA.
  • U.S. imports from Mexico grew on average about
    16.2 higher per year.
  • Canadian trade did not appear to be significantly
    affected by the NAFTA agreement.

77
And Perots giant sucking sound?
  • Predictions of widespread displacement of
    workers in the United States were not entirely
    untrue, the number of people affected was nowhere
    near the predicted numbers and most of those
    individuals received adjustment training so that
    they could get other jobs. (Moss, pp. 167-68)

78
Trade affects unemployment far less than do
cyclical effects in the U.S.
  • The reality is that the effect of NAFTA is small
    when compared to even the normal turnover of the
    U.S. labor market. In a boom year like 1999, with
    unemployment at a 30-year low, the US economy
    displaced 2.5 million workers. This means that
    these workers were laid off due to closure or
    substantial restructuring of a plant. Suppose
    that the most pessimistic estimate is correct
    an adverse NAFTA impact of 110,000 jobs lost
    annually, the figure comes to less than 5 percent
    of total annual displacement in the labor force
    and much less than annual gross job creation.
    (p. 171)

79
What else needs to be said about NAFTA?
80
What Drives Large Current Account
Deficits?Coughlin PollardReading 19
81
  • The U.S. currently has a huge current account
    deficit.
  • Why do we have it?
  • Is it sustainable?

82
  • The current account balance is the difference
    between domestic saving and domestic investment.
    If domestic saving falls, the US must borrow from
    abroad to finance domestic investment
  • US foreign indebtedness is not necessarily bad if
    foreign funds are used towards investment. (p.
    231)

83
  • Repayment of the debt is potentially a problem if
    foreign funds are used to purchase consumption
    goods since future generations will bear the
    burden of debt.

84
  • Poole presents evidence that the rising current
    account deficit is associated with rising
    domestic investment, and a significant share of
    foreign investment in the US is equity investment
    which does not have to be repaid. He concludes
    that the US does not have a current account
    disorder. (p. 231)

85
  • Poole reminds us that a capital and financial
    account surplus is identical to a current
    account deficit because their dollar values are
    identical by the rules of accounting. (p. 236)

86
  • If a foreign firm builds a production facility in
    the US, the capital and financial account surplus
    increases, which, in turn, means that the U.S.
    current account deficit would increase. (p. 236)
  • The rising current account deficit in recent
    years has been accompanied by a rising rate of
    U.S. domestic investment. (p. 237)

87
EMU at 1, Mark A. WynneReading 28
88
  • Introduction
  • What were the Maastricht rules?
  • Control inflation, reduce national debts, reduce
    budget deficits.
  • Accomplish this for several years before being
    permitted to receive the Euro.

89
  • Krugman says, Is this like hazing?
  • Countries are asked to become good at managing
    monetary policy before giving it up?
  • They were also asked to learn fiscal
    responsibility. They were asked to become
    accustomed to give up monetary sovereignty
    (living by EU rules instead).

90
  • For what purposes do countries hold foreign
    exchange?
  • i. to finance imports
  • ii. to finance foreign debt
  • iii. to intervene in foreign currency markets
  • Is the Euro in demand for that purpose?
  • For what purposes is the dollar in demand outside
    the United States?

91
What are some of the criticisms of the European
Central Bank (ECB)?
Are they valid? Why or why not?
92
European Labor Markets and EMU Challenges
AheadSoltwedel, Dohse, and Krieter-BodenReading
30
  • Benefits of a currency union?
  • Reduction of exchange rate uncertainty
  • Reduction of transaction costs (foreign exchange
    and hedging)
  • Stimulation of trade, investment, growth and
    employment

93
Costs of a currency union?
  • A currency union member must relinquish
  • Independent monetary policy, and
  • Currency devluation

94
What are asymmetric shocks?
  • Macro-economic shocks (business cycle effects, or
    shocks like 9/11 was on the US economy). They
    affect some countries or regions in a currency
    union, but not others.
  • They can put pressure on national labor markets
    and may increase unemployment.

95
What are asymmetric shocks?
  • Which countries are affected most by asymmetric
    shocks in the EU?
  • See p. 345. Finland, Greece, Ireland, Italy,
    Portugal, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom.
  • Not so bad in Austria, Denmark, France, Germany
    and the Benelux Countries.

96
Why are asymmetric shocks a problem for EMU
countries? Belgium, Denmark, France and Germany
would probably see greater structural
unemployment in response to shocks.
97
Why are flexible labor markets important for the
success of the EMU?
98
Onset of the East Asia CrisisRadelet and
SachsReading 33
99
  • Who are the crisis culprits according to these
    authors?
  • Corrupt and mismanaged banking systems
  • Lack of transparency in governance
  • Shortcomings of state-managed capitalism. Yes,
    but also
  • The International Financial System

100
  • What did the collapses of Mexico (95) and Korea
    (97) have in common?
  • Collapse followed a prolonged period of market
    euphoria and an inflow of capital that could not
    be sustained

101
  • Banks and moral hazard. What do Akerlof and Romer
    argue about the economics of looting?
  • See top right, p. 371

102
  • What is the correct response to panic (where
    viable economic activities are destroyed by a
    sudden and essentially unnecessary withdrawal of
    credits)?
  • Protect the economy through lender-of-last-resort
    activities.
  • But see the bottom of p. 371 on the end of
    bubbles.
  • Mexico, 1995, is the case (RS) of a panic
    requiring a lender of last resort (p.373, bottom
    left).

103
  • What were the IMF programs to the end of 1997 for
    the panic.
  • (p. 377) Immediate bank closures, restoration of
    minimum capital-adequacy standards (to
    recapitalize strapped banks), tight domestic
    credit, high interest rates on central bank
    discount facilities, fiscal contraction, and
    non-financial sector structural changes.
  • These probably heightened the panic.

104
  • The crisis gave little warning
  • Domestic savings and investment rates were high
    across the region
  • Current account deficits were large, but capital
    inflows were even larger, so foreign exchange
    reserves were growing
  • The US economy, the export target for Asia, was
    booming, but
  • There was a rapid expansion of commercial bank
    credit and growing short-term foreign debt.

105
  • The crisis gave little warning
  • Asian prices were increasing, so there was
    depreciation of Asian currencies against the
    dollar.

106
  • What were the banking problems?
  • See p. 388. Borrowing to finance domestic
    investments in real-estate and other non-tradable
    activities.
  • Borrowing in foreign exchange and lending in
    local currencies (exposure to risk of foreign
    exchange losses from a depreciation).
  • Banks borrowed offshore in short-term maturities
    and lent onshore with longer payback periods
    (exposure to the risk of a run).

107
  • What were the causes of capital flight?
  • Bank and finance company failures in Thailand
  • Corporate failure in Korea
  • Political uncertainty with potential for a change
    in government
  • Contagion. Sudden loss of government credibility
    throughout the region

108
  • What were the causes of capital flight?
  • International interventions. The IMF, on this
    occasion, sent a signal to creditors of impending
    crisis, leading to accelerated outflow of foreign
    funds.
  • The IMF recommended immediate suspensions or
    closures of financial institutions, which
    increased the panic.
  • The withdrawal of funds set off a liquidity
    squeeze and a sharp rise in interest rates. Even
    profitable firms couldnt obtain working capital.

109
  • What were the IMF programs?
  • Funds were granted to the stricken countries in
    order to
  • Prevent default on foreign obligations
  • Limit currency depreciation
  • Limit inflationary pressure
  • Rebuild foreign exchange reserves
  • Restructure the banking sector
  • Reform the domestic non-financial economy
  • Preserve confidence and creditworthiness
  • Limit the decline of output

110
  • What were the IMF programs?
  • Fiscal contraction was the heart of the
    program. Tight monetary and fiscal policies were
    to be maintained to defend the exchange rate.
    Funds were provided to inject into the financial
    system. Effect?
  • See p. 402.
  • Bank closures. In Thailand, 58 of 91 finance
    companies were immediately suspended. In Korea,
    14 of 30 merchant banks were suspended. Effect?
  • Loss of confidence. With no deposit insurance, a
    run on the banks was assured.

111
  • What were the IMF programs?
  • Full payment of foreign debt obligations through
    bailout funds of the IMF.
  • Non-financial structural change. Reduce tariffs,
    open sectors for foreign investment, reduce
    monopoly powers. While this happened the crisis
    continued.

112
  • An important RS conclusion
  • We do not believe that such a vicious crisis was
    necessary, nor that its depth should be
    interpreted as an indication of the extent of the
    underlying economic problems in the region.
    Instead, we believe that a much more moderate
    adjustment would have been possible had
    appropriate steps been taken in the early stages
    of the crisis. (p. 403)
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