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Reuben Roth

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AVERAGE CANADIAN EARNINGS BY SEX, 2000: Women: $23,796 Men: $37,210 (Source: Statistics Canada, CANSIM II, table 202-0102) AVG. CANADIAN EARNINGS BY PROVINCE (DEC ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: Reuben Roth


1
Reuben Roth
  • Project coordinator, Centre for Research on Work
    and Society, York University
  • Senior Research Officer OISE/UT (95-03)
  • Professor (adjunct) Trent University
  • rroth_at_yorku.ca
  • www.oise.utoronto.ca/rroth

2
Reuben Roth
  • Past Member/Officer CNTU/CSN, BRAC, UAW, CAW,
    Durham District Labour Council, CAW-GM Health and
    Safety trainer, OPSEU, CUPE, Canadian Labour
    Congress Training and Technology committee, OFL
    Education committee, CLC Literacy Working-Group.
  • Communications Officer, Queens Park (94-5)
  • General Motors (1984-1992)

3
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKING CLASS IN THE NEW
MILLENIUM SOCIAL CLASS AT GENERAL MOTORS,
OSHAWA
4
OrJoe Average Lands on Easy Street
5
Social Class Popular (Weberian) View
To define class in structural terms is to assume
the social structure has positions. We generally
tend to view class as a series of empty places
occupied by individuals. Then based on how
their job, appearance, dress, speech, etc. we
categorize these individuals by class.
6
Social Class Popular (Weberian) View
  • Logical order of structural analysis of class
    is essentially wrong
  • Analysis of class positions.
  • Categorization of positions.
  • Categorization of people into these positions.
  • Analysis of individuals who occupy these
    positions.

7
Social Class Popular (Weberian) View
The key that unites these class analysts is what
Anthony Giddens calls structuration ..the
modes in which economic relationships become
translated into non-economic social structures
(1973 105).
8
  • BUT Karl Marx viewed class relations as THE
    engine of social change
  • At a certain stage of their development, the
    material productive forces of society come into
    conflict with the existing relations of
    production then begins an epoch of social
    revolution.
  • From Karl Marxs 1859 Preface to A Contribution
    to The Critique of Political Economy.

9
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10
Social Class Marxist View
Marxists are critical of this view -- it excludes
an important political dimension. Marxists view
class as a relation -- cant be objectified
without reference to lived experience. Classes
must be understood in relation to one another.
11
Social Class Marxist View
In the organization of production, people enter
into relations under conditions that they do not
choose. not free agents but supporters of an
underlying class structure.
12
Social Class Marxist View
Little disagreement on the basis of these social
relations. These are rooted in economic
relationships. Bourgeoisie (capitalist) - owns
land and capital Proletariat - only has own
labour-power to sell
13
Social Class Marxist View
Class also a political struggle over
resources. Labour viewed as a tradeable
commodity. Wages represent the exchange value
of the labour. labourers produce more value
than is represented by the wage
14
Social Class Marxist View
This difference is profit to the capitalist, but
also surplus value the worker gives
away. Extraction of surplus value root of
exploitation. Worker produces 50 worth of
goods in 1 hour, but is paid 10/hr. is
exploited.
15
Social Class Marxist View
Exploitation difference between amount of
wealth (surplus value) provided by worker and the
amount of wealth returned to them in wages.
16
  • Eric Olin Wright (1985) argues class is still
    alive -- especially when you use these 3 elements
    as a basis for a definition
  • property
  • skill
  • organizational position
  • Wright says that together these are systemic
    sources of exploitation.

17
Basic Economic Criteria for Class Position
(Wright)
18
Social Class Marxist View
Marxian Theories
Classic Marxism regards stratification as
arising from the continuous struggle between
individuals and groups for access to scarce
resources (The most important resource
economic property).
19
Social Class Marxist View
Marxian Theories
P Groups that gain ctrl of of property are able
to use this ctrl to exploit others and reap
rewards for themselves. P Their superior
position (w/regard to property) gives them power
over others --this power is translated into
superior prestige
20
Social Class Marxist View
Marxian Theories
P Dominant groups develop sets of ideas and
beliefs C ideologies C expressly designed to
justify their superior power and privilege, to
make them seem right and honorable. P Modern
capitalists justify their superior wealth by
asserting that it is their JUST reward for
risk-taking in investment.
21
Social Class Marxist View
Marxian Theories
P Claim that entrepreneurial activities lead to
general improvement in total social wealth and
benefit all. P These are self-serving
ideologies. P Evidence proves What is good for
General Motors is not necessarily good for the
country, as Alfred P. Sloan said.
22
Social Class Weber
Weberian views
P Weberian critics define social class in terms
of lifestyle, possessions, spending patterns,
taste, job, neighbourhood, etc. P These critics
are proponents of the embourgeoisement thesis.
23
Social Class Weber
Weberian views
Central striving for power/domination over
others, NOT exploitation. Regarded economic
classes as common situations within
market-exchange relations, rather than in
relations of production.
24
Social Class Weber
Weberian views
But Weber agrees with Marx basic categories of
all class situations property and lack of
property. Under capitalism, a multitude of
possible market positions but four main social
groupings
25
Social Class Weber
Weberian views
CAPITALISTS- large property owners own
sufficient property to have disposition over the
products of other peoples labour. PETTY
BOURGEOISIE-small property owners only own
enough property to dispose of the products of
their own labour.
26
Social Class Weber
Weberian views
WHITE-COLLAR WORKERS- propertyless workers who
have specialized marketable skills. MANUAL
WORKING CLASS- tend to have only their general
labouring capacity to sell.
27
Social Class Weber
Weberian views
Weber observed that in stable economic times,
stratification by status is favoured over naked
class situation. His basic class distinction
between property owners and the propertyless was
ignored in an array of status-based occupational
scales, occupational prestige ratings, or levels
of education and income.
28
  • WEBERIAN VIEW THEN NOW
  • According to many researchers over the past
    half-century, industrial workers have been dubbed
    honorary members of the middle-class since
    about the postwar period.

29
  • These up-and-coming members of the proletariat
    were dubbed the new middle-class during the
    1960s.
  • A death of class proclamation was advocated by
    Harvard sociologist Daniel Bells End of
    Ideology thesis in 1960.

30
  • Post-industrial stratification theorists like
    Bell claimed that the classic pyramidal
    structure of society was shaken by the advent of
    the industrial revolution.

31
  • This new hierarchical roadmap alleges that
    classes are disappearing --or at least
    converging into one big class.
  • Nisbet wrote class is nearly valueless for
    the clarification of the data of wealth, power
    and social status in the contemporary United
    States. -- Nisbet, 1959. as quoted in Hout et
    al., 1993 259.

32
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33
  • In The Death of Class, Pakulski and Waters (1996)
    claimed
  • ..classes are dissolving and the most advanced
    societies are no longer class societies. the
    communal aspects of class, class subcultures and
    milieux, have long disappeared (1996 4).

34
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35
  • In The Breakdown of Class Politics (2001) Clark
    and Lipset maintain ..class is an increasingly
    outmoded concept, although it is sometimes
    appropriate to earlier early industrial
    historical periods (2001 40).

36
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37
  • In The Classless Society Paul Kingston theorizes
    that
  • ..groups of people having a common economic
    position -- what are commonly designated as
    classes -- do not significantly share distinct,
    life-defining experiences (20001).

38
  • During postwar period Marxs predictions of
    revolution labelled wrong or optimistic (Nesbit,
    1959).
  • Question has plagued many for over a century
  • why, in advanced capitalist societies, have
    working classes not become revolutionary
    classes? (Marshall, 1983 263)

39
EMBOURGEOISEMENT
  • The upward shift in class consciousness from
    proletariat toward the middle class, is called
    embourgeoisement.

40
  • EMBOURGEOISEMENT
  • The formula
  • income possessions a changed worldview, no
    longer revolutionary.

41
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42
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43
  • AVERAGE CANADIAN EARNINGS BY SEX, 2000
  • Women 23,796
  • Men 37,210
  • (Source Statistics Canada, CANSIM II, table
    202-0102)
  • AVG. CANADIAN EARNINGS BY PROVINCE (DEC. 2002)
  • Canada 35,620
  • Ontario 38,012
  • (Source Statistics Canada, The Daily, February
    26, 2003)

44
  • CANADIAN WAGES BY SECTOR Per Annum (December,
    2002)
  • Manufacturing 43,680
  • Health care/social assistance 31,720
  • Retail Trade 22,672
  • Accommodation/food services 14,872
  • (Source Statistics Canada, The Daily, February
    26, 2003)

45
  • GM WAGES (January 2003)
  • Assembler 71,735 year
  • (28.34/hr x 48 hr/week x 52 weeks)
  • Skilled Trades 85,962 year
  • (34.44/hr x 48 hr/week x 52 weeks)
  • Source CAW Contact, January 2003

46
EMBOURGEOISEMENT
  • Embourgeoisement proponents contend the working
    class is no longer interested in revolutionary,
    class-based, political action.

47
EMBOURGEOISEMENT
  • Because of their high wages, industrial workers
    are said to have a false consciousness rather
    than a revolutionary one.

48
Oshawa Autoworker Survey
  • May 2000 - January 2001
  • I surveyed over 100 GM Oshawa autoworkers to
    determine whether they have a working-class
    consciousness, and if so, what it looks like.

49
  • Basic Demographic Data
  • Median seniority year 1980
  • Average age 45
  • Male 93
  • Female 7

50
  • Current Job Assembler or Skilled Trades
  • (note 14 of 97 cases missing)

51
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52
  • What is your total family income from all
    sources?

53
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54
  • only 6 at or below 40,000 year family income.
  • 68 -between 60-80,000 year
  • 26 -above 100,000 year
  • ____________________________
  • 94 -above 60,000 year family income

55
  • 1998 the top 20 of Canadian families had an
    average income of 68,518
  • Most GM Oshawa autoworker families in top 20 of
    Canadian income earners.
  • Leads to charge that GM autoworkers no longer
    part of the working-class explains why
    theres no revolution.
  • OR DOES IT?

56
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57
  • "Do you want to become a supervisor at GM?"

58
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59
  • Subjective class identity- Oshawa

60
  • In the past ten years or so, have relations
    between social classes (upper, middle, lower
    class, etc.) in Canada generally been
    characterized by CONFLICT or HARMONY?

61
  • If Local 222 went on strike, would you
    participate in some way?

62
  • If there were a wildcat strike at your plant,
    would you participate?

63
  • If there were a plant occupation at your plant,
    would you participate?

64
  • Based on these responses, what kind of class
    consciousness do YOU think G.M. Oshawa workers
    have?
  • WHY?

65
Profits and Losses
  • Everybody says Oh, thats a 25,000 cup! If
    you figure it out, thats what it is. Well, you
    take the 6.2 billion and you split it into the
    people who get the cup, thats how much it
    is...They want to insult me? Go ahead. Insult
    me. But dont insult my intelligence. ... The
    reaction was..everybody was pissed. ... Everybody
    ... smashed them mugs ... just outside of the
    parking lot.

66
  • CONCLUSION
  • Evidence shows GM autoworkers may be well paid,
    but their socio-political outlook is not
    accommodative to capital.
  • Experience of factory exploitation at the point
    of production (where raw materials are
    transformed into goods) is the key.

67
  • Michael Mann on what keeps the Western
    proletariat from revolting (1970 436)
  • It is not value-consensus which keeps the
    working-class compliant, but rather a lack of
    consensus in the critical area where concrete
    experiences and vague populism might be
    translated into radical politics.

68
  • The dismissal of workers' consciousness as
    accommodative false because it lacks coherence
    and totality, and because it is not based on
    radical, socialistic values understates the
    extent of the rejection that occurs.
  • -Abercrombie et al., 1980

69
  • Marx the wage relation remains unchanged. Even
    with a decent wage workers still must sell their
    labour-power to the capitalist
  • A rise in the price of labour, as a consequence
    of accumulation of capital, only means, in fact,
    that the length and weight of the golden chain
    the wage-worker has already forged for himself,
    allow of a relaxation of the tension of it
    (Marx 1867 1967 618).

70
Thinking Points1. Do unions that bargain
economic gains sell out? 2. Does buying
consumer goods change political
consciousness?3. Has working-class
consciousness in the postwar period become false
consciousness?
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