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Immersion in the Storyworld:

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1. To account for tense-aspect alternations in Yapese narrative ... 'There, it came to poke the thorn there into the eel ...' Semantics of nga 'inceptive' ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: Immersion in the Storyworld:


1
Immersion in the Storyworld
  • Foregrounding and Backgrounding in Yapese
    Narrative

2
Two aims 1. To account for tense-aspect
alternations in Yapese narrative 2. To
synthesize two theoretical approaches
  • Two approaches
  • 1. Textlinguistics (Labov 1972, Dry 1983,1988,
    1992, Fleischman 1990)
  • Uses naturalistic data
  • Focuses on entire monologic texts
  • Structuralist-functional
  • How does the structure of the text affect the
    form of the clause?
  • How does narrative work?
  • 2. Discourse Processing (Zwaan Radvansky 1998,
    Zwaan 2004)
  • Experimentalist uses constructed language data
    to tightly control variables
  • Cognitivist
  • How is the imagined world of the story
    represented?
  • How does narrative work?

3
Key Concepts from Textlinguistics
  • Definition of a minimal narrative
  • two clauses which are temporally ordered that
    is, a change in their order will result in a
    change in the temporal sequence of the original
    semantic interpretation (Labov 1972 360)

4
Foreground and Background
  • Foregrounded or narrative
  • clauses
  • Iconic
  • Sequential do not overlap
  • Form the skeleton of the plotline
  • Backgrounded, non-
  • narrative or free clauses
  • May be reordered
  • May overlap the foregrounded clauses in time
  • Describe temporally unordered qualities of
    setting, characters, etc.

5
  • Foregrounding and backgrounding as a cline
  • (Fleischman 1985, 1990, Givón 1987)
  • Multiple levels of foregrounding backgrounding
    in mesoamerican languages (Jones Jones 1979)
  • Tense-aspect as a marker of degrees of foreground
    in multiple languages
  • Bafut (Bantu, NW Cameroon, Mfonyam 1994)
  • Old French (Fleischman 1985, 1990)
  • Tokelauan (Hooper 1998)
  • Australian English (Engel Ritz 2000)

6
Discourse Processing Approaches Theoretical
Insights
  • The Situation Model framework
  • (van Dijk Kintsch 1983, Johnson-Laird 1983,
    Kintsch 1998, Zwaan and Radvansky 1998, Zwaan
    2004)
  • Comprehenders keep track of a mental
    representation of the world evoked by linguistic
    input.

7
Zwaan's (2004) Immersed Experiencer Framework
(IEF)
  • Influenced by perceptual/experiential model of
    language comprehension (e.g. Barsalou 1999)
  • comprehension is the vicarious experience of the
    described events through the integration and
    sequencing of traces from actual experience cued
    by the linguistic input
  • (Zwaan 2004 38)

8
Zwaan Radvansky's (1998) Five Situational
Dimensions
  • Space
  • Protagonist Object
  • Time
  • Causality
  • Intentionality

9
Time
  • Iconic events are processed more easily than
    events out of order.
  • (Ohtsuka Brewer 1992, van der Meer et al. 2002)
  • IEF explanation We experience events in the
    order in which they occur.

10
Intentionality
  • Events connected as goal-satisfaction chains are
    more easily processed than events which are not
    so connected. Uncompleted goals are more
    accessible than completed goals.
  • (Rinck Bower 2004, Trabasso Suh 1993, Suh
    Trabasso 1993, Albrecht Myers 1995, Lutz
    Radvansky 1997, Radvansky Curiel 1998)
  • IEF explanation We put ourselves in the shoes of
    the protagonist and draw on our experiences of
    satisfying goals.

11
Causality
  • Events connected by chains of cause-and-effect
    are more easily processed than those events which
    are not connected in such a fashion.
  • (Duffy et al. 1990, Singer et al. 1992,
    Hallordson Singer 2002)
  • IEF-style explanation Event grouping (á la Zacks
    Tversky 2001) draws on experiences of causal
    connection.

12
Event types predicted to give rise to greater
immersion in the narrative world
  • Iconic rather than non-iconic events
  • Causally connected over non-causally connected
  • Goal satisfaction chains over chains unconnected
    by intentionality
  • (c.f. Zwaan 2004 for remarks in a similar spirit)
  • Also, telic events are unmarked in narrative
    context (Magliano Schleich 2000, Fleischman
    1990)

13
  • Is there morphological evidence which supports
    the discourse processing evidence?
  • Do more prominent events in narrative give rise
    to a sense of a deeper vicarious experience?

14
TMA marking in Yapese
  • Independent Pronoun TMA Markers
  • Gimeew bea marweel.
  • du.ind prog work
  • You (dual) are working.
  • Pronoun precedes the TMA marker.
  • Contrast singular/dual/plural number.
  • Postverbal subject agreement is absent.

15
TMA marking in Yapese
  • Clitic pronoun TMA Markers
  • Ka mu marweel gow.
  • perfect 2.cl work du.agr
  • You (dual) have worked.
  • TMA marker precedes the pronoun.
  • Contrast singular/plural number.
  • Subject triggers postverbal agreement, which
    preserves the dual/plural alternation neutralized
    by the pronouns.
  • Undergo vowel change in the third person singular.

16
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17
Labov's (1972) Model of Narrative Structure
  • (Abstract)
  • Orientation
  • Complicating Action
  • (Coda)
  • Evaluation

18
Orientation
  • Habitual clauses which present characters in
    terms of customary actions.
  • Take maa 'habitual' (IPTMA).
  • Maruweel rook' ea maa lifith ea
  • work 3.sg poss FM hbt weave idf
  • qurwaech.
  • hats
  • His work is (habitually) weaving hats.

19
Orientation
  • Presentative clauses introduce characters
  • Progressive clauses describe their current
    actions
  • Strategy 1
  • Baay l'agruw i scientist ...
  • exist two NPC scientist
  • There are two scientists ...

20
Orientation
  • Presentative clauses introduce characters
  • Progressive clauses describe their current
    actions
  • Strategy 1
  • Tomm'oon ni ngea yib ea
  • first/before subcl inc.3.sg come.3.sg.intr idf
  • rea yakoq neam, ma qer ea yi
  • sg storm dist.dmn then h.prx FM idfpro
  • bea gachoworiy ea chugum
  • prog gather.tns idf possessions
  • Before that storm came, there, they were/are
    gathering up possessions

21
Orientation
  • Presentative clauses introduce characters
  • Progressive clauses describe their current
    actions
  • Strategy 2
  • Kaakaroom ni kaakaroom ea qimmoey
  • long.time AdvP long.time FM non-pres.exist
  • lagruw i maabgol
  • two NPC marry.intr
  • Once upon a time there was a married couple

22
Orientation
  • Presentative clauses introduce characters
  • Progressive clauses describe their current
    actions
  • Strategy 2
  • Reeb ea rraan ma qeree
  • one idf day then h.prx.FM
  • qii faafeal ba guwchiig nga
  • non-pres.3.sg.nom play.intr ref dolphin with
  • ba gaaf i wul
  • ref clsfr NPC feather
  • One day, then, there, a dolphin was playing with
    a feather

23
Orientation
  • Strategy 1 presentative baay, progressive bea
    (IPTMA)
  • Strategy 2 non-present presentative qimmoey,
    non-present qu (CPTMA)
  • Narrators may switch from strategy 1 to strategy
    2 but not vice versa.

24
Complicating Action Background Clauses
  • States take stative ba (IPTMA) (or unmarked
    stative verb)
  • Ba maal'aaf ea gi ni
  • stat far.intr idf loc relpro
  • baay ea maarket riy.
  • exist idf market locpro
  • The market is far. (Lit. The place where the
    market exists is far.)

25
Complicating Action Background Clauses
  • Actions completed prior to current deictic center
  • Take perfect ka (CPTMA)
  • ... mea chöb lingaan ea rea n'ean neam ni
    wan'uug ea ba booyoch, ma faqän gu changar nga
    laang ma kea yib ea chigiy ko rea naqun neam nga
    but' ...
  • ... then something over there made an explosive
    sound, to my mind like a gunshot, and when I
    looked up, the ceiling of that house had come
    down toward the ground ...

26
Complicating Action Background Clauses
  • Events of lesser importance
  • Events simultaneous to current deictic center
  • Take qu 'non-present' (CPTMA)

27
Complicating Action Background Clauses
  • Ma qer ea qii paer
  • then h.prx FM non-pres.3.sg.nom settle.intr
  • nga qii soen naag fa
  • inc non-pres.3.sg.nom wait tns def
  • dalip i pagäl ni walaagean.
  • three NPC boys relpro brothers.3.sg.poss
  • Then there she settled into waiting for her
    three brothers.

28
  • a. Mea qunguy ea tuug
  • Then he clenched his fist,
  • zero TMA
  • b. nga qii foeleeg ko fa pi moongkii
  • and started sizing up the monkeys. inceptive
    non-present
  • c. Ma kii qunguy fa pi moongkii ea tuug
  • And the monkeys had clenched their fists,
  • perfect non-present
  • d. nga qu ra foeleegeed ngaak'.
  • and started sizing him up ...
  • inceptive non-present

29
Functions of qu 'non-present'
  • 1. In the orientiation, to express actions prior
    to the onset of the complicating action.
  • 2. Within the complicating action, to express
    events of lesser importance.
  • 3. Within the complicating action, to express
    events which are simultaneous to each other.
  • Analysis Qu sets up a secondary, comparative
    deictic center.
  • Note that events on the second center are iconic
    with respect to each other.

30
Complicating Action
  • Three strategies for marking narrative clauses.

31
Zero marked clauses are iconically ordered and
take their reference point from the previous
zero-marked clause
  • Mea yaen ba gayow.
  • Then one of them left.
  • Suul
  • It returned
  • ma kea feek boechii niig ni kea liiq
  • and it had picked up a little fish that it had
    killed.
  • Boechii niig ni ba m'uuth rachangalean.
  • A little fish whose spikes are sharp.
  • Qeree yib i rugöy ea rachangal riy ko fa rea
    looth...
  • There, it came to poke the thorn there into the
    eel ...

32
Semantics of nga 'inceptive'
  • Inceptive
  • Nga gu waen nga maqut ...
  • Im going to go to the taro patch ...
  • Result of a cause
  • ...ma kii yib ea maar ni ba geel ko fa rea
    paapaaq rooraed nga kii yim.
  • ... and then a strong sickness came to their
    father, and so he died.
  • Purpose or intent
  • Ma qer ea yib fa gäl neam ea pagäl nga ra qabiich
    gaed.
  • Then the two boys arrived, in order to eat."

33
  • Nga indexes causality and intentionality.
  • It is predicted to occur at high points of
    narrative action.
  • ... mea thurury nga luweed
  • and he pushed her into the well
  • ngea lumach
  • so that she drowned
  • ngea yim'.
  • and she died.

34
Narrative peaks are marked by ka qu 'perfect
non-present'
  • Ma qer ea kii yaen i taay fa rea duug nga thiliin
    fa gäl malangean ea yaam'
  • Here, he had come to put the basket between the
    two gravestones
  • ma kii yoeg fa rea bug i thiin.
  • and he had said the words.
  • Mea qunguy qawochean
  • He closed his eyes
  • ma faqän i pithig
  • and when he opened them
  • ma kea sug fa rea duug magungaen.
  • the basket had been filled with excrement.

35
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36
  • Iconicity, causality and intentionality
  • (i) are found with more highly foregrounded
    clauses
  • (ii) index the perception of real world events as
    predicted by the IEF
  • Telicity unmarked default for narrative.

37
  • What about ka qu at the peak?
  • Seems to run counter to IEF predictions
  • non-present
  • perfect
  • "pragmatic reversal" (Fleischman 1990)
  • Old French marker of narrative peak flouts
    narrative conventions
  • Mesoamerican languages (Jones Jones 1979)
    marker of peak is frequently identical to
    high-focus background marker

38
  • Possible IEF-style explanation
  • Ka qu and other "pragmatic reversal" indicators
    of narrative peak index the "surprise" factor of
    reportable narrative events

39
Summary of Results
  • IEF predictions are reflected in morphology
  • IPTMA are most highly backgrounded
  • "Pragmatic reversal" peak has a possible IEF
    explanation but remains to be investigated
    experimentally
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