ReThinking National Health Care Reform: Universal Healthcare Vouchers

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ReThinking National Health Care Reform: Universal Healthcare Vouchers

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Title: ReThinking National Health Care Reform: Universal Healthcare Vouchers


1
Re-Thinking National Health Care Reform
Universal Healthcare Vouchers
  • Ezekiel J. Emanuel, M.D., Ph.D.
  • Department of Clinical Bioethics
  • Warren G. Magnuson Clinical Center
  • National Institutes of Health

2
Problems with the US Health Care System
  • 15 uninsured
  • High and escalating costs
  • Inconsistent quality
  • Frequent medical errors
  • Substantial racial, geographic and other
    disparities
  • High administrative costs
  • Under investment in information technology
  • Absence of systematic technology assessment
    before dissemination
  • Personnel shortages

3
Victor R. Fuchs, PhD
4
Another Perspective
  • On July 30, 1965, Lyndon Johnson signed the
    Medicare and Medicaid acts in Independence,
    Missouri which put in place the framework for our
    current health care financing system.
  • It rests on on 3 pillars
  • Employment-based insuranceworkers and their
    families
  • Medicareelderly
  • Medicaidpoor and unemployed

5
DISCLAIMER
  • The views expressed in this presentation do not
    represent the views of the NIH, DHHS, or any
    other government agency or official. These are
    not their views.

6
DISCLAIMER
  • These views merely represent
  • The Truth.

7
Another Perspective
  • Each is of the 3 components of the system is
  • Inequitable
  • Inefficient
  • Increasingly unaffordable

8
Employment-Based Coverage
  • Inequitable
  • Rich receive more substantial tax subsidies than
    the poor.
  • Workers at larger firms receive better health
    care coverage than workers at smaller firms.
  • Workers receive better coverage than non-workers
    or part time workers or the unemployed.

9
Health Insurance Tax Breaks
10
Employment-Based Coverage
  • Inefficient
  • Distorts labor marketsreduces hiring and creates
    job-lock even wed-lock.
  • Source of labor-management conflict.
  • High administrative costs--120 billion.
  • Leads to discontinuities in coverage as employers
    change coverage or workers change jobs.

11
Employment-Based Coverage
  • Increasingly Unaffordable
  • Costs about 2-5 per hour per worker for
    coverage.
  • Declining proportion of insured. Now just 63 of
    workforce has employment based coverage with less
    than half of private, non-governmental workers.
  • Decline of 5 million jobs with health insurance
    between 2001-2004.

12
Real Health Costs and Real GDP
Percent
13
Erosion of Employment-Based Coverage
  • Increasingly competitive economy
  • Anti-trust actions
  • Deregulation
  • More foreign competition
  • Decline of unions
  • Globalization
  • Outsourcing of jobs to foreign countries
  • Foreign production

14
Erosion of Employment-Based Coverage
  • Rise in health care costs
  • Real per capita expenditures for health care are
    6 times higher than in 1965.
  • Real average weekly earnings of production
    workers are lower than in 1965.
  • All increases in productivity have gone to health
    care.
  • Changes in health care insurance market
  • End of cross-subsidization between firms.
  • End of cross-subsidization within firms.

15
Erosion of Employment-Based Coverage
  • In 1960s the largest firm ATT
  • 1 million workers all with health insurance.
  • Regulated industry with guaranteed profit.
  • Health insurance costs passed onto consumers an
    implicit tax.
  • In 2000s the largest firm Wal-Mart
  • 1 million workers, only 38 have any health
    coverage, no workers get coverage in first 2
    years of employment. Many get Medicaid.
  • Price is king, cheaper even if foreign produced
    is not better.

16
Medicaid
  • Inequitable
  • Some are eligible, but many poor
    Americansespecially working poorare ineligible.
  • Benefits and eligibility criteria differ
    substantially between states.
  • Some states give children at 300 FPL coverage
    while othersWyomingat 133. Disparity even
    worse for adults.

17
Medicaid
  • Inequitable
  • Widely viewed as second class medicine compared
    to employment-based or Medicare coverage.
  • In Massachusetts Medicaid covers just 21 days of
    hospitalization in a year.
  • In Tennessee Medicaid covers just 5 days of
    hospitalization in a year.

18
Medicaid
  • Inefficient
  • High administrative costs if eligibility is
    closely monitored. It costs the equivalent of 2
    months of insurance to screen and enroll a child
    in SCHIP. Even more for adults.
  • High tax on increases in income.
  • Encourages evasion or avoidance of reported
    income.

19
Medicaid
  • Inefficient
  • Leads to discontinuities in coverage.
  • Many who are eligible do not apply because of
    hassle, embarrassment, or belief that their
    prospects will improve.

20
Medicaid
  • Increasingly Unaffordable
  • About 20 of state budgets go to Medicaid other
    means tested programs and health care for state
    employees.
  • Problem is rate of increase. Over the last 4
    years health expensesMedicaid and health
    coverage for state employees have gone up 8-10
    per year.

21
Medicaid
  • Increasingly Unaffordable
  • With flat revenues, this requires cuts in other
    state services or tax increases.
  • In Georgia, since 2001 state universities lost
    211 million while admitting 30,000 more
    students. This year, 42 million in cuts with
    15,000 more students anticipated.

22
Medicaid
  • States are facing a perfect storm
    deteriorating tax bases, an explosion in health
    care costs, and a virtual collapse of capital
    gains and corporate profit tax revenues.
  • National Governors Association, 2003

23
Medicare
  • Inequitable
  • Old get guaranteed coverage which the young do
    not. Not done in any other country.
  • Young subsidize old.

24
Medicare
  • Inefficient
  • Administrative costs are very low.
  • High levels of fraud.

25
Medicare
  • Medicares controls against fraud have not kept
    pace with todays health care environment in
    which the number of claims processedand those
    submitted electronicallyhave risen dramatically
    While electronic claims processing is critical
    for efficiency, when the volume rises to this
    degree, it also increases the need for more
    innovative controls to curtail fraud.
  • GAO

26
Medicare
  • Inefficient
  • No assessment of quality or cost per benefit.
  • Covers Erbitux Treats metastatic colorectal
    cancer. Does not cure patients, but prolongs
    life on average 1.7 months. Cost about 60,000
    per patient.
  • Covers Lung volume reduction surgery--300,000
    per QALY.

27
Medicare
  • Increasingly Unaffordable
  • In 2004, 17 increase in Part B premiums.
  • In 2004 Medicare consumed 2.6 of GNP--309
    billion.
  • In 2006, with the drug benefit Medicare will be
    3.4 of GNP438 billionand by 2020 over 5 of
    GNP.
  • By 2020, Medicare will exhaust the hospital trust
    fund.

28
Medicare
  • Increasingly Unaffordable
  • In 75 years, if unchanged Medicare will consume
    all federal tax revenues from all sources.

29
Medicare
  • Medicare could be brought into actuarial
    balance over the next 75 years by an immediate
    108 increase in program income or an immediate
    48 reduction in program outlays.
  • Medicare Trustees Report, 2004

30
Medicare
  • Even in fantasy, no one has yet come up with a
    way to pay for Medicare.
  • New York Times, May 23, 2004

31
The Problem
  • The American health care system is inherently
    and irreparably broken.

32
Implications for You
  • Hostile regulatory environment.
  • The perception of excessively high drug costs
    brings with it increased scrutiny of the industry
    by Washington.
  • Cuts in reimbursement.
  • Reduced coverage of drugs by Medicaid.
  • Harder negotiation by PBMs and MCOs.

33
Implications for You
  • Likely regulation of prices in Medicare drug
    benefit.
  • Uncertainty about coverage in the future and
    level of payment which makes investment and
    business decisions much harder and risky.

34
What Should be Done?
35
Reform Proposals
  • Incrementalism
  • Comprehensive mandates with subsidies
  • Single payer

36
Incremental Reform
  • Subsidies to individuals or firms.
  • Tax exemptions, deductions, or credits.
  • Mandates on individuals, firms, or insurance
    companies.
  • Higher income eligibility for means tested
    programs300 of poverty level.
  • Lower age levels for Medicare eligibility55-64
    eligible.

37
Incremental Reform
  • Main appeal of incremental reform is not the
    quality or adequacy of the reform but its
    political feasibility.
  • Comprehensive reform is not possible. It was
    the scope and reach of the Clinton proposal that
    proved to be its downfall.
  • Ken Thorpe, NEJM 2004

38
Incremental Reform
  • Incremental reform fails as policy and as
    politics.
  • As policy, incremental reform
  • Builds on a broken system.
  • Fails to realize any savings by efficiency.
  • Makes us lose ground as we wait.
  • Only postpones real reform.

39
Incremental Reform
  • As politics, incremental reform is
  • Costly. At 60 billion per year for partial
    coverage and without cost control measures making
    it is not politically viable.
  • Uninspiring. Who can even recall what Kerrys
    plan was? A few hard core policy wonks. Even
    casual wonks do not remember it.
  • Misdiagnoses the problem with the Clinton health
    care reform. The problem was not over-reaching,
    but lack of a good plan.

40
Incremental Reform
  • We often think of public policy as changing
    slowly or incrementally, but policy agendas often
    change dramatically. Issue hit suddenly.
    There is a tremendous burst of activity, and
    government policy changes in major ways all at
    onceNeither scholars nor practitioners, even
    with the best of knowledge and the best theory,
    can predict with great certainty what will happen
    and often find themselves surprised.
  • John Kingdon, Univ. of Michigan, 2002

41
Incremental Reform
  • Key Republicans now reject incremental reform
    opting for comprehensive reform.
  • The crisis we face in health care cannot be
    resolved by our present strategies or with
    patchwork efforts of the past. Neither can it be
    resolve by dealing with only one or several
    problems we face. Resolution will require
    comprehensive health system reform.

42
Mandates with Subsidies
  • The Clinton Health Security Act.
  • Pay or Play.
  • Maines state program.
  • Center for American Progress.
  • AMA, Heritage Foundation, and other mainstream
    groups endorse this approach.
  • It is the responsible and prudent approach.

43
Mandates with Subsidies
  • Fails for both policy and political reasons.
  • As policy
  • A summary of Maines proposal in the New England
    Journal was confusing and complex which creates
    opportunities for gaming the system.
  • Builds on the failed current system foregoing
    efficiencies.

44
Mandates with Subsidies
  • As politics
  • Uninspiring. No grand vision.
  • Costly. Using inefficiencies of the current
    system requires adding 100 billion to get
    universal coverage.
  • Offends a key interest group. Business strongly
    opposes mandates. They want out of health care
    not to be locked in.

45
Single Payer
  • Medicare for All
  • Canadian-style single payer.
  • Physicians Working Group for Single-Payer
    National Health Insurance.
  • Arnold Relman.

46
Single Payer
  • A single public plan covering all Americans for
    all medically necessary services, including
    long-term care, mental health and dental
    services, and prescription drugs and supplies.
  • No private insurance except for services excluded
    by national insurance.
  • No deductibles or co-payments.

47
Single Payer
  • Lump sum payments to hospitals for operations.
    No billing for services.
  • Negotiated payment for capital improvementsconstr
    uction, equipment, etc.
  • Physicians paid by 1) fee-for-service
  • 2) salary in an institution
  • 3) salary in an HMO

48
Single Payer
  • Cover disabled care for all Americans including
    home and nursing home care.
  • Cover all medically necessary prescription drugs
    and supplies. Establish formulary with
    negotiated prices.
  • Financed by unspecified taxes.

49
Single Payer
  • Fails for policy and political reasons.
  • As policy
  • Institutionalizes fee-for-service delivery system
    which makes cost control and quality improvement
    efforts difficult.
  • Almost always end up with queuing to save money
    which is deeply resented.
  • Both Medicare and Canadian system are going
    bankruptnot persuasive models for cost control.

50
Single Payer
  • The past decade in Canadian health care has
    been difficult for patients, providers, and
    governments alikeRecent changes appear
    unlikely to achieve a sustainable transformation
    in the organization, delivery, and financing of
    Canadian Medicare. We foresee continued
    turbulenceas a growing proportion of Canadians
    lose patience with health care systems that they
    perceive as no longer delivering reasonable
    access to core services.

51
Single Payer
  • As politics
  • Does not cohere with American valuesAmerican
    equality is not everyone getting the same thing.
  • Americans value freedom to upgrade if they want
    to spend the money.
  • May appeal Boston doctors who dont want to be
    accountable, but lacks national appeal.

52
Universal Healthcare Vouchers
  • Every American receives a voucher to purchase a
    universal benefits package through a health plan.
  • Free choice of a qualified plan.
  • Vouchers are funded by an ear-marked value added
    tax.
  • Freedom to purchase more than universal benefits
    with after-tax dollars.
  • Private sector organizes and delivers care.

53
Universal Healthcare Vouchers
  • Elimination of tax exemption for employment-based
    insurance.
  • Elimination of Medicaid and other means tested
    programs.
  • Phase out of Medicare while protecting current
    beneficiaries.
  • Administration and oversight by National and
    Regional Health Boards modeled on the Federal
    Reserve System.

54
Universal Healthcare Vouchers
  • An Institute for Technology and Outcomes
    Assessment.

55
3 Key Feasibility Questions
  • Ethical
  • Economic
  • Political

56
Ethical Feasibility
  • Universal coverage for all Americans.
  • With VAT the financial burden is fairly
    distributed according to ability to pay.

57
Ethical Feasibility
  • Tiering is ethical as long as universal benefit
    package is good enough.
  • Practicalitythe rich can always buy out.
  • Autonomypeople should be able to buy more if
    they want amenities and reduce risks. We do not
    level down.
  • Justicesociety cannot guarantee everything, must
    make choices, too much health compromises other
    important goods, e.g. education, environment, etc.

58
Economic Feasibility
  • Costs of the current systemwithout Medicare or
    nursing home coverage
  • Employment-based coverage 600 billion
  • Medicaid 200 billion
  • Out of pocket expenses 212 billion
  • Economic feasibility means the voucher should
    cost about 800 billion.

59
Economic Feasibility
  • Two ways to calculate economic feasibility.
  • Begin with the current system.
  • Covering the 15 uninsured will increase their
    utilization of health care services approximately
    33.
  • Overall, increase in utilization 5.

60
Economic Feasibility
  • Underinsuredcompared to voucherwill also
    increase utilization somewhat.
  • Overinsured will decrease utilization somewhat.
  • Overall utilization will increase approximately
    5 or 40 billion.

61
Economic Feasibility
  • Voucher system should save administrative costs.
  • Less cost for Medicaid and means testing.
  • Less cost for sales and marketing of employment
    based insurance which now costs about 120
    billion per year.

62
Economic Feasibility
  • How much would it cost to purchase
    employment-based insurance at 2004 rates?

63
Economic Feasibility
  • How much would it cost to purchase
    employment-based insurance at 2004 rates?

64
Economic Feasibility
  • But, the uninsured and Medicaid recipients are
    sicker and will use more health care services
    than Americans with employment-based coverage.
  • How much more? 26 more.

65
Economic Feasibility
  • The uninsured and Medicaid recipients constitute
    25 of all Americans under 65 and will use 26
    more health care, raising overall costs 6.5.
  • The total cost of the voucher then would be
  • 759 billion or 837 billion

66
Economic Feasibility
  • Long term cost control
  • Rheostat based on the earmarking of
    VATincrease in benefits requires willingness to
    increase taxes.
  • Lower demand by requiring additional services to
    be paid for by after tax dollars.
  • Systematic technology and outcomes assessment,
    changing delivery and research by drug and device
    companies.

67
Political Feasibility
  • The voucher system is not politically feasible
    today.
  • The goal is to outline a plan that can be adopted
    when forces for change coalesce.
  • Forces may come from
  • Depression Public health emergency
  • Civil unrest Health system melt down

68
Political Feasibility
  • Who will support the voucher proposal?
  • Big business
  • Small business
  • State governments
  • Some unions
  • Some health care professionals
  • Uninsured
  • Vulnerable insured

69
Political Feasibility
  • Who will oppose the voucher proposal?
  • Some of the 1300 health insurers
  • Health benefits consultants and suppliers
  • Some health care professionals

70
Political Feasibility
  • Ironically, most extreme opposition may come from
    liberals.
  • Will not give up Medicaid and Medicare
  • Oppose VAT as regressive
  • Hate anything associated with vouchers

71
Advantages of Universal Healthcare Vouchers
  • Universalityall American are covered without
    means testing.
  • Fairnessfinancial burden is fairly distributed.
  • Cost controllinkage between benefit levels and
    willingness to pay through ear marked VAT.
  • Continuity of coverage and care.

72
Advantages of Universal Healthcare Vouchers
  • Administratively efficient system.
  • Data for assessing quality of care and costs
    relative to benefits.

73
Advantages of Universal Healthcare Vouchers
  • More efficient labor markets.
  • Eliminate incentive for out-sourcing.
  • Eliminate source of labor-management conflict.
  • Relieves states of financial and administrative
    burden so they can focus on education, etc.

74
Advantages of Universal Healthcare Vouchers
  • Bigger market with 15 uninsured included.
  • Much less uncertainty regarding what drugs and
    devices will be paid for.
  • Shift in research priority to computer
    modelgetting more for less rather than
    discovering whatever is possible.

75
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76
Pay for Performance
  • We should pay physicians and hospitals for
    delivering quality medical care that is
    explicitly measured.
  • Sounds great, but is much harder and less
    effective than appears at first blush.

77
Pay for Performance
  • Assessing quality is very, very difficult
    especially for multi-dimensional care.
  • Cannot assess just cancer surgeries. Some places
    do very well on breast surgery but poorly on
    colorectal surgery and neither correlates with
    mammography rates.
  • Little data on long term outcomes.
  • Skew what physicians and hospitals focus on to
    what is measured.

78
Pay for Performance
  • British NHS has rated hospitals based on their
    adherence to established process measures for
    quality.
  • Guess what? Very little correlation between NHS
    ratings of hospitals and actual patient outcomes.

79
Medical Savings Accounts
  • Create catastrophic health insurance with
    consumers paying for routine care from their own
    funds using large deductible.
  • By making consumers have skin in the game it
    will make them
  • More cost conscious about health care.
  • Induce a change to healthier lifestyles.

80
Medical Savings Accounts
  • MSAs are a fantasy world based on ideology not
    data or reasonable assumptions of economic
    behavior.
  • High out-of-pocket expenditures for routine care
    does lead to lower use of health services, but
    they decrease both appropriate and inappropriate
    care.
  • Why? Patients are not doctors.

81
Medical Savings Accounts
  • Likely to lead to less use of preventive services
    and greater use of high technology interventions
    for the very sickbecause they are covered by
    catastrophic insurance.
  • This will further bias RD toward expensive,
    end-of-life interventions and increase future
    health costs.

82
Medical Savings Accounts
  • A small proportion of people account for a large
    proportion of health care costs. These patients
    will all have good catastrophic coveragenot
    lowering costs.
  • Those who are close to the deductible limit or
    cost where catastrophic coverage kicks in will
    have an incentive to use more services. Each
    additional service becomes free. This is also
    true with services that are elective regarding
    the timing of the service.

83
Medical Savings Accounts
  • If the deductibleor place where catastrophic
    insurance kicks inis income adjusted, this
    will significantly increase administrative costs.
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