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Title: Vowel discrimination in early bilinguals: Evidence of phonetic reorganization


1
Vowel discrimination in early bilinguals
Evidence of phonetic reorganization
3aSC11 148th ASA meeting in San Diego 2004
2
Authors
Anders Højen James E. Flege Speech and Hearing
Sciences Division University of Alabama at
Birmingham
3
Abstract The issue of whether new categories may
be established for vowels found in a second
language (L2) but not the native language (L1)
remains controversial. The present study compared
the discrimination of English vowels by native
English speakers, early Spanish-English
bilinguals, and Spanish monolinguals (n20 each).
Vowels in the easy contrast (i-u) were
likely to be heard as two distinct Spanish vowels
by Spanish speakers, whereas the vowels in three
difficult contrasts (eI-I, A-Ã,
oU-U) were likely to be heard as a single
Spanish vowel. To avoid the ceiling effects often
seen in cross-language vowel discrimination
research, within-trial F0 variation was
introduced into the categorial AXB test used
here. The 64 trials testing each contrast were
presented in two randomized blocks differing in
inter-stimulus interval (0 vs. 1000 ms). Spanish
monolinguals had great difficulty discriminating
vowels in the 3 difficult contrasts, probably
because they classified the contrastive English
vowels as a single Spanish vowel. However, early
bilinguals discriminated these contrasts much
better, indicating English vowel category
formation. Age at onset of English-language
exposure, years of U.S. education, and amount of
L2 use (especially during the first years of
exposure) seemed to impact discrimination ability.
4
background
  • Background
  • It is generally believed a second language (L2)
    can be learned without problems in childhood
  • However, research in Barcelona revealed important
    differences in the perception of Catalan vowels
    by native Catalan speakers vs. native Spanish
    speakers who learned Catalan in early childhood
  • (Bosch et al. 2000 Pallier et al. 1997 Pallier
    et al. 2001 Sebastian-Galles Soto-Faraco,
    1999)

5
  • What explains the difference between early
    bilinguals and L2 native speakers?
  • A lack of neural plasticity?
  • A lack of cognitive plasticity after L1
    acquisition?
  • Insufficient input from L2 native speakers?
  • Foreign-accented L2 input?
  • An inability to establish new phonetic
    categories?
  • Do all early bilinguals differ from L2 native
    speakers?

6
  • This study
  • Examined the discrimination of English vowels by
    three groups
  • English monolinguals
  • Spanish monolinguals
  • Early native Spanish learners of English
  • English contrasts examined
  • The vowels in 3 difficult contrasts likely to
    be heard as a single Spanish vowel
  • The vowels in one easy contrast likely to be
    heard as two distinct Spanish vowels

7
Aims
  • Aims
  • Develop a phonetically sensitive method to test
    for differences between early bilinguals and L2
    native speakers
  • Requirement yield large differences
    between English Spanish monolinguals for the 3
    difficult contrasts, but little (or no)
    difference for the easy contrast
  • Test for differences between the early
    Spanish-English bilinguals and both groups of
    monolinguals
  • Explore individual differences in L2 vowel
    discrimination

8
Participants
Note Educ., total years of education AOE, age
at onset of L2 exposure L2-years, years of L2
exposure.
9
  • Stimuli
  • One native English speaker produced multiple
    tokens of 8 English vowels in non-words
  • Half of stimuli produced in declarative sentence
    frame, with relatively low F0 half produced in
    interrogative frame, with high F0
  • 4 consonant contexts (see Table)

10
contrasts
Classification by Spanish monolinguals
11
Easy vs. Difficult contrasts
  • Acoustic analysis (see figure below) and
    classification of the English vowels by Spanish
    monolinguals suggested that
  • The 2 English vowels in the easy contrast,
    would be heard as 2 distinct Spanish vowels (/i/
    and /u/)
  • The 2 vowels making up each of the 3 difficult
    contrasts would be heard as a single Spanish
    vowel (/e/, /a/, and /o/)

12
Figure with stimuli
13
procedure
  • Procedure
  • Each contrast tested by 64 AXB trials
  • The 4 contrasts were tested in a single
    randomized block presented at 2 different ISIs
    (512 trials in all)
  • Previous research (Cowan Morse, 1986 Pisoni,
    1973) suggested that lower percent correct scores
    would be obtained at 0-ms than 1000-ms ISI
  • In half of trials (called incongruent), the F0
    variation suggested the wrong answer
  • (example A-high B-high B-low)

14
Results
15
(No Transcript)
16
  • The AXB test was phonetically sensitive
  • The Spanish and English monolinguals differed
    little for the easy contrast (M
    88 vs. 98 correct)
  • However, the Spanish monolinguals obtained much
    lower scores than the English monolinguals for
    the 3 difficult contrasts (M 58 vs. 96)

17
Results
2) The early bilinguals scores for the 3
difficult contrasts were much higher than the
Spanish monolinguals (M 89 vs 58) but
differed little from the English monolinguals (M
96)
  • At 1000-ms ISI, no significant differences
    between early bilinguals and English monolinguals
    for any contrast
  • At 0-ms ISI, early bilinguals scored lower than
    English monolinguals for 2 contrasts (I-eI,
    U-oU plt0.01)

18
Results
3) Most but not all early bilinguals performed
like the English monolinguals
  • At 0-ms ISI, 4/20 early bilinguals obtained
    scores that fell outside the native English range
    (viz. 81-99 )
  • The 4 highest- and the 4 lowest-scoring
    bilinguals differed in several respects

19
Table individual differences
Note Ranges in parentheses
20
Details of English use patterns
21
  • Discussion
  • Spanish monolinguals had great difficulty
    discriminating vowels in the 3 difficult
    contrasts, probably because they classified the
    contrastive English vowels as a single Spanish
    vowel
  • Early bilinguals discriminated these contrasts
    quite well, perhaps indicating the formation of
    new English vowel categories

22
Discussion, 2
  • As in previous research (Flege MacKay, 2004),
    amount of L2 use seemed to affect early
    bilinguals discrimination of L2 vowels
  • Language use patterns during the first few
    years of L2 use may be especially important
  • A frequent L2 use and possibly a relatively
    infrequent L1 use may be needed for early
    bilinguals to discriminate L2 vowels at
    native-like levels

23
Discussion, 3
  • The results are consistent with the view that the
    phonetic system remains plastic in early
    childhood, and that establishment of L1 vowel
    system does not seriously compromise phonetic
    learning
  • The results do not support the view, however,
    that all early bilinguals develop perceptual
    representations for L2 vowels that are exactly
    like those of L2 native speakers

24
References
  • Bosch, L., Costa, A. and Sebastian-Galles, N.
    (2000). "First and second language vowel
    perception in early bilinguals," Eur. J. Cogn.
    Psychol. 12, 189-221.
  • Cowan, N. and Morse, P.A. (1986). "The use of
    auditory and phonetic memory in vowel
    discrimination," Journal of the Acoustical
    Society of America 79, 500-507.
  • Flege, J.E. and MacKay, I.R.A. (2004).
    "Perceiving vowels in a second language," SSLA
    26, 1-34.
  • Pallier, C., Bosch, L. and Sebastian-Galles, N.
    (1997). "A limit on behavioral plasticity in
    speech perception," Cognition 64, B9-B17.
  • Pallier, C., Colomé, A. and Sebastian-Galles, N.
    (2001). "The influence of native-language
    phonology on lexical access Exemplar-based vs.
    abstract lexical entries," Psychol. Sci. 12,
    445-449.
  • Pisoni, D.B. (1973). "Auditory and phonetic
    memory codes in the discrimination of consonants
    and vowels," Perception and Psychophysics 13,
    253-260.
  • Sebastian-Galles, N. and Soto-Faraco, S. (1999).
    "Online processing of native and non-native
    phonemic contrasts in early bilinguals,"
    Cognition 72, 111-123.
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