European Elections and the Democratic Deficit

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European Elections and the Democratic Deficit
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The logic of democratic elections

• The political verdict of electorates emanates
  from the preferences of voters. If this condition
  is met, elections can be considered
  simultaneously
• To legitimize power allocated by the elections
  (and therefore to legitimize policies which may
  be devised with this power).
• To exert electoral control by holding
  officeholders accountable.
• To represent groups of citizens and their
  interests in the political process (thus showing
  sensitivity to their concerns).

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The European electoral process

• Significant variations in the way elections are
  conducted in member states
• They are not all conducted on the same day
• Some European countries traditionally go to the
  polls on Sundays, while others have favored
  mid-week voting. They have been held on Thursday
  in Denmark, Britain, Ireland, the Netherlands,
  and Spain.

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The European electoral process

• The electoral system employed
• Except in the British islands, list-system
  proportional representation has been universal
  since 1979. (Ireland still uses the single
  transferable vote system).
• In Germany, the two-vote system used in national
  elections is changed in European election to a
  one-vote system with the same single
  constituency.
• Fewer constituencies make it easier for a party
  to run candidates throughout the country, and
  this benefits smaller parties.
• Except Germany (which enforces the same
  threshold), the number of votes required to get a
  candidate elected is always higher in European
  elections, which disadvantages small parties.

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The European electoral process

• EP party groups are hardly relevant to the
  electoral process
• European party affiliation is mentioned on
  campaigns but this does not appear to be salient
  to voters.
• Only in Denmark are there parties that campaign
  specifically on European issues.
• second-order to national elections.
• Turnout is expected to be lower. European
  election outcomes are expected to reflect the
  balance of political forces in the national
  political arena.

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Turnout variations

• Low turnout indicates a lack of legitimacy for
  the EU.
• The decline in average turnout is not a sign that
  this deficit is increasing.
• The most powerful predictors of turnout at
  European elections are compulsory voting, the
  length of time between the next national election
  and the European election, and whether the
  election was the first election.

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Turnout variations

• Countries with compulsory voting see a turnout
  that is 33 higher than those in which voting is
  voluntary.
• In 1979, 4 out of 9 had compulsory voting, today,
  there are 4 out of 15, not counting the 10 new
  member states.
• The first EP election in each country saw turnout
  higher by 8.2 on average that later elections.
  No countries taking part for the first time in
  the 1999 elections.

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Turnout variations

• European elections gain a surrogate importance
  from their role as barometers of the standing of
  national political parties.
• In a country with five year parliaments, position
  in the electoral cycle could increase turnout for
  European elections by 15 percent.
• Only in Denmark. European elections cannot be
  used as markers, as the two parties that
  participate in European elections compete only in
  European elections.

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Turnout variations

• Voters will take advantage of the opportunity to
  behave differently than at national elections
  (protest voting ).
• Makes it more problematic to interpret the result
  of European elections as markers for parties
  standing.
• Sends extreme voices in the EP and can send wrong
  signals about the policy preferences of the voter.

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Consequences for national politics

• National parties may be led to take various
  actions as a result of extrapolating the outcome
  of European elections to a national election
  situation.
• Voters find themselves in a position of power.
  They can send a message of displeasure without
  the risk of electing an untried or dangerous
  party in the national arena.

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Consequences for national politics

• European elections are not employed as
  opportunities to put forward or oppose policies
  related to the European arena
• Keeping such policies off the national arena
  seems to be a preoccupation of national
  politicians.
• When such issues break through to become salient
  in national terms it can be quite devastating for
  individual parties or leaders.
• European elections would be proper venues for
  such matters, if only the parties fighting for
  European elections were different that the ones
  fighting for national elections.

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Consequences for EUs future

• Voters have never been encouraged to develop
  preferences for different European policies
  (legitimacy).
• Candidates and parties seldom put forward
  policies that differ in regard to Europe
• Failing to take the opportunity to present voters
  with meaningful choices, party leaders also miss
  the chance to educate them about European affairs.

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Consequences for EUs future

• Input into the European decision-making process
  is restricted to individuals and groups who have
  non-electoral routes for making their desires
  known (interest groups).
• The EP lacks the mandate to use its power in any
  particular manner because of the way in which
  European elections are conducted.

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Consequences for EUs future

• The European Union was built by national
  governments with little input by their citizenry
  (permissive consensus).
• This frees national parties from the need to
  coherently address and articulate European policy
  concerns.
• National parties often stack the deck, against
  Europe, reaping the benefits of popular to
  national constituencies regulation, and blaming
  Europe for unpopular policies.

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Question

• What do you propose to mitigate the democratic
  deficit emanating from the EU electoral process?
• Universal legislative ballot?
• Lexcalibur (release of most EU documents onto the
  internet, to provide citizens with information on
  legislative matters)?
• The formation of a European Demos (by encouraging
  voters to develop preferences for different
  European policies through national parties)?
• Institutional changes full codecision powers for
  the EP, electing the president of the commission
  by universal vote?