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Humanitarian Intervention in a Fragile State: A Case Study of Indian Intervention in Sri Lanka

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Title: Humanitarian Intervention in a Fragile State: A Case Study of Indian Intervention in Sri Lanka


1
Humanitarian Intervention in a Fragile State A
Case Study of Indian Intervention in Sri Lanka
  • Dr. Shaheen Akhtar
  • Research Fellow
  • Institute of Regional Studies, Islamabad.

2
Defining Humanitarian Intervention in a Fragile
State
  • Fragile State
  • A fragile State is a state significantly
    susceptible to crisis in one or more of its
    subsystems. It is vulnerable to internal and
    external shocks and domestic and international
    conflicts.
  • Crisis States Research Centre (CSRC).
  • Drivers of fragility weak political
    institutions, economic decline, poverty,
    geogrphy, history and violent conflict.
  • Weak institutions are central driver of a state
    fragility.
  • Violent conflict is the ultimate manifestation of
    state fragility
  • A states geogrphy and history can also play a
    role in driving fragility.
  • A low strategic value in eyes of int. actors
    contribute/ reinforces to a states fragility.

3
Doctrine of Humanitarian Intervention
  • Humanitarian Intervention Definition
  • HI is a principle in Int. customary law, referred
    to the armed interference in a sovereign state by
    another with the stated objective of ending or
    reducing suffering within the first state. That
    suffering may be the result of civil war,
    humanitarian crisis, or crimes by the first state
    including genocide.
  • The legal context of HI
  • The legal framework of HI incl.military
    intervention is based on various provisions of
    the UN Charter. The legal experts, however,
    interpret it either in justify or oppose
    humanitarian intervention.
  • Opponents argue Article 2 (4), of the UN
    charter, prohibits the threat or use of force
    against another state. It states
  • All Members shall refrain in their int.
    relations from the threat or use of force against
    the territorial integrity or pol. independence of
    any state, or in any other manner inconsistent
    with the Purposes of the UN.

4
Contd
  • Article 2 (7) also states Nothing contained in
    the present Charter shall authorize the UN to
    intervene in matters which are essentially within
    the domestic jurisdiction of any state ..
  • The proponents of HI justify it primarily in the
    name of a moral imperative "we should not let
    people die." This idea is grounded in the
    Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 .
  • Exceptions They also base their claims on the
    two exceptions to the Article 2 (4) prohibition.
    1) Article 51that allows a nation to use force
    in self-defense if an armed attack occurs
    against it or an allied country. 2) The charter
    also authorizes the Security Council to employ
    force to counter threats to or breaches of
    international peace.
  • For the defenders, intervention is only
    legitimate when it is motivated by a massive
    violation of human rights and when it is put in
    motion by the UN Security Council. Chapters VI
    and VII also support this notion.

5
Contd
  • The Political Context of HI
  • In line with post-World War II Int.law, most
    govts. jurists have rejected unilateral
    humanitarian military intervention because of the
    potential that powerful states will abuse such a
    doctrine.
  • The history of humanitarian military
    intervention is replete with examples of stronger
    states or coalitions invoking the doctrine of
    humanitarian intervention in order to conceal
    their own geopolitical interests.
  • Somalia, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Bosnia, Kosovo,
    East Timor are examples of such interventions, to
    varying degrees justified in humanitarian terms.
  • US-led coalition forces justified the invasion of
    Iraq on a variety of grounds, only one of whicha
    comparatively minor onewas humanitarian.

6
Drivers of Fragility in Sri Lankan State
  • Domestic, Regional international drivers of
    SLs fragility
  • Domestic Drivers of Fragility
  • Weak/small in terms of size and capability
    (mil. Eco, natural resources)
  • Geography locational factor-. proximity with
    India, a strong regional power. low strategic
    value as compared to India
  • Weak state institutions majoritarian structures
    of governance denying Tamils their due pol. eco.
    educational cultural rights that have remained
    at the heart of ethnic conflict in SL.
  • Violent Tamil-Sinhala conflict since 1983, now
    spearheaded by the LTTE. LTTE is running a
    virtual defacto Tamil state in the Jaffna
    peninsula of SL in the North.
  • Lack of economic growth/ discriminatory
    developmental policies are both a cause of the
    conflict sustaining it too.

7
Map of Tamil Eelam
8
Contd
  • Regional Drivers of SLs Fragility
  • India, the most powerful factor big in size
    powerful in terms of mil. Eco natural
    resources.
  • Tamil Nadu linkages with the Sri Lankan Tamils
    playing imp. role in SLs ethnic conflict,
    especially in the 1980s.
  • Hegemonic attitude of India towards the region in
    general and SL ethnic crisis in particular.
  • Supportive to Sri Lankan Tamils militants-
    sheltering, arming training, financing them in
    the 1980s. .
  • Supportive Int. attitude towards Indian
    humanitarian mil. intervention in 1987-90.
  • Feeble regional response to Indian intervention
    in SL in 1987-90.

9
Contd
  • International Drivers of SLs Fragility
  • As a small state, Sri Lanka was never taken
    seriously in the superpower rivalry in the Indian
    Ocean/South Asian region. Even during the time of
    tight bipolarity SLs position vis-à-vis India
    was marginal. From 1983 to 1990, loose bipolarity
    also did not enhance SLs position in the
    strategic calculations of the superpowers
  • In fact, US/SU Cold War rivalry enhanced Indias
    strategic value in the 1980s and that continued
    even in the unipolar world.
  • Thereby, superpowers attitude was more
    favourable to India than SL in the 1980s.
    Endorsed Indias geo-political interests in SL
  • Supported Indian mediation (1983-86) military
    intervention in SL (1987-90).

10
Nature/Implications of Indian Humanitarian
Military intervention in Sri Lanka 1983-1990
  • Looking from both Indian and Sri Lankan
    perspectives and at three main stages of the
    ethnic crisis a) July 1983 anti-Tamil riots, b)
    Forced airdrop, c) ISLA, July 1987 and induction
    of IPKF in Sri Lanka
  • Indian Stance Humanitarian Considerations V
    Strategic Interests
  • The entire Indian argument justifying Indian
    mediation in SLs ethnic crisis and subsequent
    military intervention was weaved around
    humanitarian considerations. In reality, however,
    India tried to protect its geo-political
    interests in SL. i.e. awarding of Trincomalee
    Oil Farm to a Western Consortium and expansion
    of VOA facilities in SL.
  • July 1983 anti Tamil riots India highlighted
    atrocities against Tamils plight of Tamil
    refugees but kept arming sheltering, training
    training Tamil militants so as to maximize its
    leverage in mediation with SLG in the ethnic
    crisis as well as secure its geo-strategic
    interests in the island.

11
Contd
  • Indira Doctrine ethnic violence in SL in 1983
    led to the formulation of Indira doctrine- an
    Indian s version of the Monroe Doctrine, wherein
    India viewed entire region as a single strategic
    unit and herself as the sole custodian of
    security and stability in the region.
  • On 5 August 1983, intervening in a debate in Lok
    Sabha on the developments in Sri Lanka, Indira
    Gandhi stated
  • In this matter, India cannot be regarded just
    like any country. Sri Lanka and India are the
    two countries who are directly concerned. Any
    extraneous involvement will complicate matters
    for both our countries.
  • Forced Air drop/Operation Poomalai June 1987
  • 3 June Failing to secure Consent from SLG, on
    3 June 1987, India sent a flotilla of 19 fishing
    boats carrying relief supplies under the Red
    Cross flag led by Vikram, a 1000-tonne Indian
    offshore patrol vessel out of

12
Contd
  • Rameshwaran. A helicopter of the Indian navy and
    coastguard planes also accompanied the flotilla.
    The SL navy refused entry of the uninvited
    Indian vessels to SL and they returned to
    Rameshwaram.
  • 4 June 1987 On 4 June India summoned the SLG
    High Commissioner in New Delhi B. Tilakaratne to
    the South Block and Indian Min. of State for
    External Affairs, K. Natwar Singh told him that
    in 35 minutes, India would airdrop relief
    supplies over Jaffna.
  • 4 June 1987, India launched its Operation
    Poomalai (garland). It sent five Indian Antonov-
    32 transport planes escorted by four Mirage 2000
    jet fighters to air drop relief supplies over
    Jaffna. They dropped 25 metric tones of food and
    medicines over Jaffna. They were instructed to
    return fire in the event that they were attacked,
    and the Indian air force was placed on full alert
    to meet any eventuality.

13
Contd
  • Indo-Sri Lanka Accord (ISLA) July 1987
    Intervention upon Invitation
  • India justified its military intervention/inductio
    n of IPKF in SL under the ISLA which was signed
    on 29 July 1987. India maintained that ISLA was a
    product of a consensus between SLG and GOI
    wherein SL invited IPKF to SL. and. In fact,
    Accord was primarily geared to secure Indias
    geo-strategic interests vis-à-vis SL.
  • Induction of IPKF The stated objective of the
    IPKF was to disarm the insurgents within 72
    hours, guarantee and enforce the cessation of
    hostilities and provide security to the Tamils.
    However, PM Rajiv Gandhi envisaged a wider
    political role by stating that they would help
    implement the agreement to end the ethnic
    struggle in SL.

14
Sri Lankan Stance on Indian Humanitarian
Intervention
  • As a fragile state, dominant perception in SL
    regarding Indias involvement in its ethnic
    crisis and subsequent intervention was that India
    readily exploited ethnic conflict in the island
    to coerce it into abandoning pro-Western foreign
    policy, eco. liberalization as well as extracting
    more concessions for the Tamils in SL.
  • July 1983 riots SL as a fragile state could not
    properly handle the enormity of anti-Tamil riots
    in July 1983. The riots unleashed a wave of
    refugees into neighbouring Indian State of Tamil
    Nadu which have 50 million Tamil population,
    having deep cultural, linguistics links with the
    SL Tamils.

15
Contd
  • The strong Indian reaction to 1983 riots and
    subsequent support to Tamil insurgents greatly
    scared the SL leadership of Indian intensions and
    they feared an Indian invasion of SL.
  • June 1987 Forced air drop
  • SLG pointed out that neither has the GOSL
    solicited any humanitarian aid nor does the
    situation prevailing in the North require any
    assistance from any outside sources the GOSL is
    in a position to meet all the requirements.
  • The SLG strongly condemned the Indian forced
    airdrop calling it a naked violation of our
    independence and an unwarranted assault on our
    sovereignty and territorial integrity a
    rehearsal for an invasion, and lodged a formal
    protest note with the UN Security Council.

16
Contd
  • A SL analyst Rohan Gonartna observed Sri Lanka
    did not have the capability to fight back-
    otherwise, the mood was war. However as a
    fragile state SLcould not prevent India from
    airdrop. In fact SL halted its mil ops in the
    North as India desired.
  • July 1987 ISLA Sri Lanka regarded the Accord and
    subsequent Indian military intervention in Sri
    Lanka by way of induction of Indian Peace Keeping
    Force (IPKF) as a product of coercive
    diplomacy. The Annexures letters of exchange to
    the Accord ensured that SL changes its policy on
    Tricomalee Oil Tank Farms and VOA.

17
International Response to Indian Humanitarian
Military Intervention in SL
  • As a fragile state SL could not secure the
    support of any superpower, including its ally,
    the US. In August 1983, President Jayewardene had
    stated that if in the future, the SL govt. felt
    that there was a threat from India, it would turn
    to the US, UK and like-minded powers for military
    assistance in defending its territory against the
    Indians. None of them came to SLs rescue, when
    India actually intervened.
  • US Response
  • Although US strongly supported the unity and
    territorial integrity of SL and sought a peaceful
    negotiated settlement of the ethnic crisis, it
    extended limited support to Colombo to combat
    terrorism, urged Colombo to address human rights
    concerns and strongly supported Indian mediation
    in finding a political solution of the ethnic
    crisis. The US never gave commitment to SL of
    support in case of invasion of Sri Lanka.

18
Contd
  • The US supported Indias forced airdrop over
    Jaffna peninsula. The State Department only
    expressed regrets that the discussions between
    Indian and Sri Lanka on the modalities of
    delivering relief supplies to Jaffna failed and
    consequently the GOI felt it necessary to deliver
    supplies by air.
  • The US endorsed ISLA and extended full support to
    Indian intervention and stationing of Indian
    troops (IPKF) in Sri Lanka.
  • The Soviet Response
  • The Soviet attitude towards Sri Lankas ethnic
    crisis during the Cold War era was primarily
    determined by her close relationship with India
    with which it had a community of fundamental
    interests.
  • Moscow found an imperialist connection in Sri
    Lankas ethnic crisis that was meant to hurt
    Indian interests. It did not criticize Indian
    support for arming and training of the Tamil
    militants.

19
Contd
  • Moscow strongly supported Indian mediation in Sri
    Lankas ethnic crisis.
  • At the time of the Indian airdrop on Jaffna, the
    Indian External Affairs Minister N. D. Tiwari was
    in Moscow and appreciated the Indian
    position on the issue.
  • Moscow supported the ISLA and Indias
    peacekeeping role in Sri Lanka for political and
    strategic reasons. The provisions contained in
    the Letters of Exchange indirectly served not
    only India but also Soviet interests in the
    region.
  • Regional Response
  • Pakistan, Bangladesh and China criticized the
    airdropping as violation of int. law and as
    interference in the internal affairs of a small
    country. They also mildly criticised ISLA, but it
    did not prevent India from intervening in SL.

20
Conclusion
  • The case study of the humanitarian intervention
    in the fragile state of Sri Lanka shows that
    Indian intervention in SL was unilateral and
    against Article 2 (4) 2 (7) of the UN charter.
    It was not covered by the UN Security Council or
    Chapter VI and VII of the UN Charter. So legally
    speaking it was untenable.
  • As far as moral imperative of the HI was
    concerned, the intervention in fact, led to more
    violence in SL. .In the North East, IPKF was
    fighting the same Tamils that it had come to
    protect while creation of TNA pitted Tamils
    against Tamils. In the South the ISLA led to
    second JVP uprising that resulted in the killings
    of thousands of Sinhalese youth.
  • Most importantly, the Indian HI aggravated the
    fragility of the Sri Lankan state, it widened the
    wedge between the Tanils and the Sinhalese. It
    also led to the emergence of the LTTE as the most
    powerful armed group in SL which continues to
    resist a solution of the conflict within the
    framework of a united SL.
  • It also hardened Sinhalese stance on Tamils
    demands who felt that Indian intervention
    manifested that SLs territorial integrity and
    sovereignty was at stake.
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