Title: The North American Approach to NorthSouth Integration: Mexico, Canada, and the United States Under N
1The North American Approach to North-South
IntegrationMexico, Canada, and the United
States Under NAFTA
- Colloque du Réseau Intégration Nord Sud (RINOS)
- INTÉGRATIONS RÉGIONALES ET STRATÉGIES DE
DÉVELOPPEMENT - Les relations Nord-Sud dans lEuromed, les
Amériques et lAsie - Université du Québec à Montréal
- Conférence Spéciale
- 2 Juin 2005
- Robert A. Blecker
- Professor of Economics
- American University
- Washington, DC
-
2- Alternative Title
- Pobre México!
- Tan lejos de la Unión Europea, y tan cerca de
los Estados Unidos!
3Distinguishing Characteristics ofNorth American
Integration
- Large and persistent development gap between
Northern (US, Canada) and Southern (Mexico)
economies in a FTA - Asymmetries in economic size and political power,
US vs. Canada/Mexico - Mostly dual bilateral relations, Canada-US and
Mexico-US weak trilateral ties - Narrow institutional framework (NAFTA) does not
cover important aspects of the integration
process - Legal and institutional framework mostly ignores
the development dimension and North-South issues
4(No Transcript)
5Dimensions of North American Economic
Integration Trade
- Trade Flows the US accounts for
- nearly 90 percent of Mexicos exports and over 80
percent of Canadas exports - about 60 percent of Mexicos imports and 70
percent of Canadas imports - Canada and Mexico are the United States two
largest trading partners, but together account
for only 30 percent of US trade (exports
imports) - Intra-NAFTA trade grew rapidly in the 1990s, but
has grown more slowly since 2000 - Rising imports from China and other Asian
countries have displaced intra-NAFTA trade since
2000
6Source U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of
Economic Analysis, International Transactions
Accounts, Release of March 16, 2005
ltwww.bea.govgt. Data for 2004 are preliminary.
7Dimensions of North American Economic
Integration Investment
- N.A. capital markets have been integrated through
financial market liberalization and the
liberalization of trade in financial services - The US accounts for a majority of the FDI in
Mexico and Canada - But other countries (European, Asian) also
provide FDI inflows - FDI inflows into Mexico have increased in
financial services as well as in manufacturing - Mexico succeeded in replacing hot money inflows
with FDI after the 1994 crisis and NAFTA - But FDI inflows into Mexico have diminished since
2000 - FDI inflows were surpassed by remittances in
2003-04
8Sources International Monetary Fund, Banco de
México.
9Dimensions of North American Economic
Integration Migration
- Mexican emigration is driven by
- Rapid growth of the labor force (nearly 1 million
workers per year) - Inadequate domestic job creation
- Lower wages (roughly 1/10 of US and Canada)
- An estimated 4-5 million Mexicans migrated to the
United States in the 1990s - roughly half of them were illegal
(undocumented) - US efforts to enforce migration restrictions have
not stopped migration, but have increased
hardships for migrantsand have induced Mexicans
who reach the US to stay
10Dimensions of North American Economic
Integration Migrationcontinued
- An estimated 8 of all Mexican-born people live
in the United States - Existing networks of immigrants attract more
migrants - Mexican immigration in Canada is smaller but
legalized through a guest worker program in
agriculture - By 2003-04, annual inflows of remittances from
Mexicans abroad exceeded FDI inflows into Mexico - Remittances reached nearly 17 billion in 2004
11Employment in Mexico Since NAFTAOverview
- Overall, job creation in export-oriented
manufactures and agriculture has been offset by
job losses in domestic/import-competing
manufactures and agriculture - Most net job growth in Mexico has been in
non-traded services and the informal sector in
spite of NAFTA and export promotion efforts - Trade liberalization has not solved Mexicos
employment problems
12Employment in Mexico Since NAFTADetails
- No single, comprehensive data source exists
- We have to rely on partial and incomplete
surveys, some of which have changed over time
(Polaski, others) - Maquiladoras
- Increased by approx. 750,000 from 1993-2001
- Then fell by 180,000 from 2001-2004
- Net increase of 570,000 from 1993-2004 (more than
doubled) - Decreasing female share (now just over half)
- Large non-maquiladora manufacturing firms
- Net decrease of about 100,000 (roughly 7) from
1994-2004, but with larger cyclical fluctuations
up and down in-between - Agriculture
- New survey shows decline of 730,000 from
1998-2003 - Old survey showed decline of 370,000 from
1991-1998 - Census data show an 8 percentage point drop in
the share of agriculture in male employment,
little change in female share (Hanson) - Evidence of skill upgrading in the most dynamic
export industries (Hanson, Verhoogen)
13Why NAFTA Didnt Create More Jobs in Mexico (1)
Slow GDP growth
- Growth rates have been lower since trade
liberalization than in the import substitution
era - Average for 1951-1980, 6.4 percent per year
- Post-GATT (1987-2004), 3.0 "
- Post-NAFTA (1994-2004), 2.8 "
- Post-peso crisis (1996-2004), 3.7 "
- Mexico needs a higher GDP growth rate (at least 6
percent) to keep up with productivity growth,
raise real wages, and promote convergence to
US-Canadian income levels and real wages
14Macro Factors that Have Affected Mexican
Employment
- Mexican growth is positively correlated with US
growth since 1996 - US business cycles late 1990s boom, 2001
recession, 2002-03 slow recovery - Exchange rate fluctuations
- Peso or tequila crisis of 1994-95
- Subsequent real appreciation
- Restrictive macro policies designed to prevent
another financial crisis since 1995 - under both Zedillo and Fox
- Trade surplus with US is outweighed by a larger
deficit with rest-of-world
15Source International Monetary Fund, World
Economic Outlook, on-line databases.
16Sources Federal Reserve (USA), International
Monetary Fund (Canada), Banco de Mexico (Mexico).
17Why NAFTA Didnt Create More Jobs (2) Rapid
productivity growth
- Rapid productivity growth allows output to
increase with proportionally smaller increases in
employment - Features of Mexican productivity growth
- Trade liberalization destroys jobs in
import-competing industries as less efficient
plants shut down and surviving plants increase
efficiency to compete (similar to Canada see
Trefler) - Significant inter-industry reallocation to export
sectors with higher (and faster growing)
productivity (Lopez-Cordova) - Productivity has increased in both maquiladora
and non-maquiladora manufacturing plants - Quality upgrading in non-maquiladora exports
emphasizes activities with higher capital
intensity, higher productivity, and greater skill
requirements (Verhoogen)
18Why NAFTA Didnt Create More Jobs(3) Exports
not linked to rest of economy
- Value added in Mexican manufacturing has not kept
up with the growth of exports (UNCTAD) - Export activities are increasingly integrated
into regional (North American) and global
production chains, but not well integrated into
the Mexican economy - Exports accounted for 17.7 of output but only
10.6 of employment in 1995-2000 less than one
indirect job is created for each direct export
job (Ruiz-Napoles) - Maquiladora imports account for 76 of
maquiladora exports and 36 of total exports - MNC exporters have higher import coefficients
than domestic firms - Export growth is not generating adequate
backward linkages
19Maquiladora imports
20Why NAFTA Didnt Create More Jobs (4) Growing
competition from China
- Mexico is a victim of the fallacy of
composition in the export-led growth paradigm.
Especially - China displaced Mexico as the second largest
source of US goods imports (after Canada) in
2003-04. - China has kept its currency undervalued while
Mexico has let the peso appreciate (in real
terms) to hold down inflation - China and other Asian countries are also
increasing their shares of Mexicos imports at
the expense of imports from the US (and at the
expense of Mexican domestic production) - American big box retailers (Wal-Mart etc.)
encourage consumption of cheap consumer goods
from outside N.A.
21(No Transcript)
22More Unequal Income Distribution
- Overall, real wages in manufacturing still had
not recovered to their 1994 level by 2004 in
spite of rapid productivity growth (in both
maquiladoras and non-maquiladoras) - Wages for more skilled (educated) workers have
risen relative to less skilled (educated)
workers in Mexico as well as the US (Hanson) - Real wages have fallen more in the center/south
compared with the border/north regions
(increasing regional disparities) (Hanson) - Adjustment costs have been severe in both
expanding and contracting regions - Less skilled workers have to compete with
lower-wage workers in other developing countries,
including China
23(No Transcript)
24Political and Institutional Framework NAFTA
- North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
- Not completely free trade, many exceptions
- Includes strong protections for property rights
and liberalization of capital flows - No significant institutions or governance
mechanisms (except for dispute resolution
tribunals) - Side Agreements
- Labor and Environmental Commissions small
budgets, no enforcement powers - N.A. Development Bank very limited mandate and
funding for projects in the Mexican-US border
region - NAFTA restricts industrial development policies
and government regulation of foreign investment - Expropriation clause used to overturn social
and environmental regulations at state/provincial
levels
25Whats NOT Included in NAFTA
- No common external tariffs or harmonization of
other trade barriers - Not a customs union
- No coordination of monetary, fiscal, and exchange
rate policies - No common currency/monetary union
- No significant development assistance for Mexico
(infrastructure, education, etc.) - No parallel to the EUs regional and social
cohesion funds - Exception the NADBank in border areas only (very
limited funds and mandate) - No provisions for free migration, labor mobility,
or rights of migrant workers - Except for highly educated professional and
technical workers
26Whats NOT Included in NAFTA continued
- No harmonization of social standards and policies
- Labor rights/standards, environmental protection,
consumer health safety, occupational safety
health, etc. are all left up to individual
countries - Some progress in phytosanitary standards and a
few other technical areas - No integration of security, borders, customs,
etc. - Businesses complain this creates barriers to
trade (increases costs of border crossings) - Politically difficult because of US post-9/11
security concerns and desire to limit Mexican
immigration - No continental governance mechanisms
- Few international (trinational) institutions
- Nothing like the European Commission, European
Parliament, etc.
27Political Obstacles to Further North American
Integration
- Asymmetrical economic weight and power relations
- US has greater bargaining leverage, imposes its
interests - US sees itself as a global power, tends to ignore
Canada and Mexico - Intra-N.A. relations are relatively more
important for Canada and Mexico than for US - Canadians and Mexicans resent/fear US domination
28Political Obstacles to Further North American
Integration
- Lack of North American identity or consciousness
- Citizens identify with their individual
nationalities and regional/ethnic groups - Governments often prefer to address issues on a
bilateral basis, not trilaterally - Very different political cultures no sense of
shared history - Deep political/partisan divisions within each
country - George Bushs unilateralist foreign policy has
lessened Canadian and Mexican interest in deeper
ties with the US
29Political Obstacles to Further North American
Integration
- Free-market views enshrined in NAFTA
(ideological lock-in) - Lasting influence of Mulroney/Salinas/Bush
administrations - Ideological belief in relying on markets (trade
not aid) - Resistance to public policy solutions to
development problems - Official integration agenda is limited to trade
and investment issues (business perspectives
dominate) - Now augmented by US security concerns
30NAFTA Plus Expanding the Institutional
Framework
- Certain business interests, governmental actors,
political activists (NGOs), international
agencies, and intellectual elites are promoting
various types of additional trilateral
integration efforts - Proposals vary according to interests and
ideologies - Various proposals include
- customs union
- monetary union
- labor rights/environmental standards
- migration reform
- framework for intergovernmental policy
coordination - development assistance funds
- For example
31Independent Task Force ReportBuilding a North
American Community(May 2005)
- Sponsored (but not endorsed) by
- US Council on Foreign Relations
- Consejo Mexicano de Asuntos Internacionales
- Canadian Council of Chief Executives
- Members consisted of ex-government officials,
corporate financial leaders, think-tank
scholars, academic experts, etc. - Mostly center-right leaning with a few exceptions
- Proposes to create a North American security and
economic community by 2010 - Much less ambitious than the EU
- Less bureaucracy and institutions compared with
EU
32Caveats
- These proposals are presented as an important
example, for information and discussion only - I do not endorse all of these proposals, although
I think some have merit - The report contains the task forces majority or
consensus views - The task force also had many dissenting views
from various perspectives (left/right, national) - Warning this sort of elite opinion can be very
influential!
33Specific Recommendations of Task Force for N.A.
Community
- Security issues
- Common security perimeter and harmonized border
policies (emphasis on anti-terrorism) - N.A. border pass for expedited passage of
individuals with security clearances - Move toward freer flows of people in the long run
(deliberately vague what this means) - Military and intelligence cooperation
- This is a reaction to post-9/11 US political/
military concerns, but also linked to trade and
migration issues
34Specific Recommendations of Task Force for N.A.
Communitycontinued
- Economic development
- Mexico to rely primarily on domestic reforms and
initiatives - US and Canada to fund a North American
Investment Fund for Mexican development - Focused on infrastructure and technical education
to attract private capital - Conditioned on Mexican reforms and financial
contributions - Enhanced capacity for the NADBank
- Further opening of the energy sector especially
in Mexico - But no commitment to privatization of PEMEX
- Emissions controls and conservation efforts (weak
exhortations)
35Specific Recommendations of Task Force for N.A.
Communitycontinued
- Deeper economic integration efforts
- Common external tariffs on individual goods (but
not a complete customs union?) - Review NAFTA exclusions
- Permanent N.A. tribunal for dispute resolution
- Joint approach to unfair trade practices (very
vague) - Trinational competition (anti-trust) policies
- Greater harmonization of domestic regulations
- Increased labor mobility, including temporary
migrant worker programs, eventual North American
preferences in employment, full labor mobility
between US and Canada (but delayed with Mexico) - Greater educational cooperation
36Specific Recommendations of Task Force for N.A.
Communitycontinued
- Political framework
- Regular trinational summits and intergovernmental
consultation - A permanent North American Advisory Council (with
members appointed by the 3 governments) - No politically representative or democratic
bodies (e.g., no elected N.A. parliament or
congress) - All of this seems to represent a consensus view
of what is considered politically feasible in
North America in the near future (post-Bush and
Fox?)
37Conclusions
- The official N.A. integration process (NAFTA) has
largely ignored North-South issues, lacks a
developmental agenda - Also neglects labor migrationor allows it to be
regulated by unilateral US border policies - Undemocratic process largely geared to business
interests and US priorities - There has been no convergence of Mexico with the
US and Canada in the 11 years since NAFTA went
into effect - Some indicators show a slight divergence
38Conclusions (continued)
- Limited gains to Mexico in trade and FDI have not
fostered rapid enough growth to solve the
countrys employment problem - Both structural obstacles and macroeconomic
constraints have impeded rapid growth - Result is continued out-migration and increased
reliance on remittances - Mexican society is also becoming more unequal
- There is a growing North-South divide and a
rising skill premium within Mexico - Sectors, regions, and interests positioned to
benefit from the global/regional economy have
prospered (relatively) while other parts of the
domestic economy have suffered dislocations and
declines
39Conclusions (continued)
- North America is sufficiently integrated that
regional cooperation is essential to solving
continental problems - Yet political obstacles have prevented a
European-style approach to promoting convergence
of less-developed regions - Mexico does need more domestic reforms
(strengthen democracy, rule of law, transparency,
justice system, anti-corruption efforts) - Global developments (e.g., WTO, China, other
FTAs) are undermining Mexicos special
preferences in the US market and US preeminence
in Mexico - Yet NAFTA commitments restrict Mexican policy
makers ability to manage trade and investment in
the national interest
40The Road ForwardNAFTA Plus What?
- Status Quo free trade and investment, no social
integration or development aid - Deeper Economic Integration improve borders and
infrastructure, move toward a customs union,
common market, and/or monetary union - Social NAFTA migration reform, development
assistance, labor/environmental cooperation - US Strategic Interests energy, security
- A North American political community
- what kind of community, and whose interests will
be served?