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Militarization, nexus between State and nonState, State institutions and cessation of human rights i

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... whatever land or property was confiscated ... Truth? Justice? Accountability? ... Those who know did not dare file complaints from fear of army retaliation. ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: Militarization, nexus between State and nonState, State institutions and cessation of human rights i


1
Militarization, nexus between State and
non-State, State institutions and cessation of
human rights in Jammu and Kashmir
  • Evidence from the field work
  • Shafat N. Ahmad

2
Points to cover
  • Extensive militarization of the Kashmiri space-
    public and private
  • Nexus between the State and non-State
  • State institutions and their failure to address
    issues of human rights violation
  • A familys struggle to find their disappeared
    son

3
Context of militarization (1)
  • The abuse of power and violation of human rights
    need to be placed in the context of
    militarization in JK, which is the background to
    issues of research in the state. In a province
    where the Indian state faces a crisis of
    legitimacy, the use of military force to curb
    dissent and intimidate the population becomes an
    important tool.
  • Troops 600,000
  • Police 65,000
  • Special Police Officers 25,000
  • Army camps are spread systematically, many times
    encroaching private space as means of
    intimidation, and other times without any
    compensation.
  • Some journalists provided us with some data on
    how this has affected the lives of many.

4
Context of militarization (2)
  • Indian Express journalist Basharat Masood points
    out that in Sopore, one can find almost 15 army
    camps within a range of 2 kms. This not only
    creates constant fear in the minds of people, but
    also makes them dependent on the army for daily
    living. In the districts of Uri, Gurez, Keran,
    Lola and others, the army controls the supply of
    food, healthcare, fuel, commodities and so on.
    People from Srinagar need to apply for permission
    a month in advance to visit these areas.
  • Many people from Sopore have been misplaced from
    their homes when officials took over their houses
    for the purpose of army use.
  • The air-force base, which was taken over from
    villagers, lies over 34,000 kanals of
    agricultural land.
  • Ex-Greater Kashmir journalist Hilal Saki says
    that in the village of Dragmalla, near Kupwara,
    the army has taken over entire terrace fields
    belonging to villagers.
  • In some other places, the fencing of large army
    camps run through the courtyard of houses, and
    army personnel find it in their legitimate league
    to harass villagers.
  • For whatever land or property was confiscated
    from villagers in the above cases, not a paisa
    has been paid in terms of compensation.

5
Point of contention
  • The point I wish to make here is that without
    understanding the extent to which military
    presence alone affects the life of a common
    Kashmiri in totality, an attempt to understand
    the violation of human rights will continue to
    remain a soft issue, forever to be handled
    later.

6
Nexus between State and non-State
  • The co-option of non-State individuals
    (renegades) by the army to curb militancy in
    Kashmir is neither a new or unknown phenomena. It
    has been widely documented by Human Rights Watch
    in their report in 1996.
  • The 2001 US State Department Report on Human
    Rights in India estimates that there are about
    3000 such renegades operating in Kashmir who
    remain the most dreaded group and continue to
    engage in excesses.
  • I intend to highlight some of the cases that we
    encountered during our field visit that
    elucidates this point further, and shows the
    brutal nature of force employed by the army in
    compliance with these non-State individuals, at
    times to pursue agendas not related in any way to
    national security.

7
Examples of non-State power
  • We visited the village of Soibugh in district
    Budgam, the place from which the battles of both
    Hizbul Mujahideen (HM) and JKLF had emerged.
  • All the families we spoke to told us about the
    atrocities committed by a former militant,
    Mushtaq Pala, who was later working as an army
    source and lived inside the nearby army camp.
  • We were able to speak to two families who became
    direct victims of Mushtaq Palas hunt for his
    brothers assassins, a personal goal he managed
    to pursue with the backing of the officials from
    the RR battalion posted there from 1999-2001.

8
Victims of non-State abuse (1)
  • Abdul Majid Malik (35) was killed by the forces
    in February 1999, after having been tortured in
    custody and in front of his family for days
    before that. Malik was a former militant, who had
    given up the gun and was leading a normal life
    (doing needle-work), when Pala brought army
    persons to his house. Over a period of 3 days, RR
    personnel, along with Pala, took him away for
    interrogation, brought him back to the house in
    a bloodied and battered condition, tortured him
    with electric shocks in the house courtyard
    (alongside his brothers), threatened to kill his
    4 year old daughter, took him away, and was later
    said to have been shot in an encounter at
    Pattan (his body was covered with bullet and
    knife marks). Reason They should have known who
    killed Mushtaq Palas brother.
  • His family was made to sign some papers stating
    that they were never harassed by the army, though
    Maliks brothers continued to be harassed for a
    long time after that till the death of Pala in
    2001.

9
Victims of non-State abuse (2)
  • Ghulam Nabi Wani (50) died in August 2001, after
    having succumbed to injuries he suffered from
    gruesome torture by army officials, and Mushtaq
    Pala. He was an independent labour who earned a
    living from digging graves and agriculture, from
    which he supported a family of 8. Wani was
    friendly with the villagers and he shared no
    friction with any of them. The family suspects
    that Wani was personally picked by Pala because
    he dug graves and could provide information on
    dead militants and others. Doctors stated in
    their reports that Wanis injuries (which he
    suffered in army custody) were a cause of his
    eventual death a month after he was released.
  • Wanis wife was made to thumb print on blank
    papers by army officials on his release from
    custody.
  • Mushtaq Pala died on 31 July 2001.

10
Truth? Justice? Accountability?
  • Mushtaq Pala was known throughout the village for
    abduction and torture of people inside the local
    army camp, often for ransoms or for information.
    Not even the village headman had been spared, and
    everyone lived in fear of Pala while he was
    alive. Some families have no idea why their
    members were picked up. Those who know did not
    dare file complaints from fear of army
    retaliation.
  • Facts about local goons and former militants
    co-opted with the army in Kashmir has been stated
    in reports a-plenty.
  • What are the clear ways in which non-State actors
    can be held accountable for implementing the
    armys clandestine operations? How can victims be
    given enough protection to make sure they are
    able to fearlessly testify in a court of law?

11
Role of State institutions
  • The State Human Rights Commission (SHRC) was set
    up in Srinagar following the JK Protection of
    Human Rights Act, 1997.
  • The chairperson and other members are appointed
    by the Governor on the recommendations of Chief
    Minister, Speaker of Legislative Assembly,
    Chairperson of the legislative Council, Ministry
    of home in the state and leader of opposition in
    the Legislative Council and so is the procedure
    for the dismissal of the Chairperson and of the
    Members of Commission.
  • One of the main functions of Commission is to
    hold enquiries and investigation regarding the
    complainants of human rights violations, and
    intervene in any proceedings involving any
    allegation or violation of human rights pending
    before a court with the approval of such court.

12
Performance of the SHRC
13
Nature and quantity of complaints before the SHRC
  • From the inception of the Commission till 31
    March 2008, the Commission has received 595 cases
    of disappearances and 225 cases of custodial
    deaths.
  • From the inception of the Commission till 31
    March 2008, the Commission has disposed off 286
    cases of disappearances and 80 cases of
    custodial deaths.
  • The nature of other complaints received have been
    classified under harassment, compassionate
    appointment, ex-gratia relief, death
    compensation, murder, others, rape, death
    investigation, occupation and release.

14
Types of recommendations made by the SHRC
  • Register a criminal case against guilty persons
  • investigate the matter and produce a challan
    before a competent court of law
  • pay compensation or ex-gratia relief to the
    victim or victims family with respect to
    Government Order No. 723-GR(GAD) of 1990 dated
    10.07.1990
  • adjust a family member in a Government job under
    compassionate appoint (SRO- 43).

15
The SHRC and realities
  • It lacks financial independence
  • the state government retains the powers to
    appoint and transfer its technical staff
  • the commission's recommendations are not
    mandatory
  • the investigating team is to be led by the
    Inspector General of Police, but complaints lie
    against the police too, and thus investigations
    are problematic and biased
  • the government does not explain or talk to the
    Commission while refusing to implement its
    recommendations.

16
Cessation of human rights
  • Showkat Ahmed Paul was 22 years of age and a
    third year B.A. student when he disappeared
    from Srinagar in June 2003.
  • His parents have placed complaints before the
    police, SHRC, UN, Chief Minister, looked for him
    at various army camps, gained information
    unofficially about their sons custody in
    separate army camps, and lost him again due to
    politics or bureaucracy.
  • Since Showkats family could not be here to speak
    to us, I will play some audio clips from our
    discussion with his father, Rashid Ahmed Paul, to
    elaborate how his parents were pushed from one
    closed door to the other.

17
Private admission
  • An official Rashid spoke to, admitted to, with
    the help of existing records, the fact that
    Showkat was held in army custody. (Insert
    Private admission of abduction)

18
Corruption
  • After official acceptance and recording of how
    Showkat was abducted, officials tampered with the
    records in order to corrupt the complaint.
    (Insert How officials tamper and corrupt..)

19
Unofficial sources
  • The boys father, Rashid, went first to the SHRC
    (instead of the court to avoid harassment) with
    the information he had gathered through other
    sources. (Insert How do parents know what
    happened)

20
Official response
  • When Rashid approached officials, armed with
    information, the response was abysmal. (Insert
    Official response to complaint..)

21
Chief Minister to Chaprasi
  • Rashid approached every forum possible but to no
    avail. (Insert The range of officials father..)

22
Conclusion
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