Title: SA education finance after apartheid: features, donor support, and capacity building
1SA education finance after apartheidfeatures,
donor support, and capacity building
- A biased practitioners notes
Luis Crouch Draft version as of January 10
EDUCATION FINANCE AND DECENTRALIZATION
CONFERENCEWashington D.C., January 13-14, 2005
2The task at the end of apartheid - 1
- Re-unify something like 18 racial ministries
put together all the administrative systems,
policies and procedures, information systems,
exam systems, etc., into 9 provincial
ministries - Begin to equalize funding in a system where some
15 of the children had 5X to 10X more funding
than the other 85 - Do this without losing the top 15 to the
private sector
3The task at the end of apartheid - 2
- Where teachers cost 4.5 X GDP per capita, yet
there is large-scale coverage, so the majority
(the poor) get covered with a tax based paid to a
large extent by a minority (the rich) - And where there is also a modernization agenda
- Similar reforms needed in all non-financial
areas curricular reforms to get rid of racism in
curriculum, language policy reforms, etc. - And in all other sectors health, electricity,
water, etc.
4Elements of the fiscal solution
- Three tiers, only three actors involved nation,
province, and school - national to provincial fiscal transfer system
- provincial to school resource transfer system
- No role for local or district government in
education a conscious decision (educational
districts exist, but as administrative
convenience only, no governance or finance role) - National policy
- Province important role (contractual employer)
- Schools, also powerful
- Municipalities no role
- Take each in turn
5National to province the equitable shares
system
- Vertical division between national and provincial
spending non-formula, driven by expenditure
assignment, negotiation, analysis - Horizontal division Largely block allocations to
provinces - Horizontal division of the provincial portion
via a formula that transfers SHARES of the
funding, does not produce bottom-line amounts - Allows for fiscal neutrality and more flexibility
in the vertical division, since it makes no
promises in terms of absolute amounts - Not really built on cost basis or adequacy
source of debate
6National to province the equitable shares
system
- Some earmarking for education - infrastructure
- Formula very simple 9 components, one or two
fixed, most population-driven - Each component or sector has a simple weight
that represents a notional sense of how much each
province might spend on the sector educations
is 41 and actual spending has been 35 to nearly
50 - Each component also has drivers in education
the driver is 1/3 enrollment, 2/3 population - Aimed at reducing repetition (very high
enrollment, E/P in Grade 1 was 166!!!) - Coordinated with policy on age-for-grade
- Very successful
7Some problems and concerns, mostly resolved (?)
- Unfunded mandates and provincial authority P/T
ratio mandated nationally by Dept of Ed,
provinces all too happy to hire. But funding
from equitable shares might not cover a low P/T
ratio. - Not just unfunded mandates but plots between
sub-sectoral interests at provincial and national
level to create mandates to protect turf - Debate around costed norms and adequacy as
opposed to a shares approach - Increase in data requirements (enrollment,
population of school-going age), not
satisfactorily resolved surprising lack of
concern, no real audits
82nd level province to school fiscal transfers
- Considerable school autonomy
- Can hire extra teachers at market wages (using
standard employment Act, not Teacher Act) - Have some vetting power over state-paid teachers
- School councils have majority parents (by 1)
- Public schools allowed to charge fees, fees not
considered fiscal revenue, are set at, and stay
completely at school level - Autonomy is statutory and universal (unlike
Nicaragua or El Salvador)
92nd level province to school fiscal transfers
- Two main types of resource transfers
- Non-teacher, non-capital costs
- Allocated according to an incidence table
- The incidence goal is the allocation principle
- 35 of resources must go to poorest 20, 25 for
next 20, 5 for richest quintile - Teachers
- Allocated physically, not as a budget for schools
to hire teachers (unlike, say, Nicaragua) - At first, not pro-poor
- Then, 20 of teacher fund is top-sliced and
distributed preferentially to the poor with same
incidence table as non-personnel costs
102nd level province to school fiscal transfers
- Pro-poor targeting is internal to each province,
out of respect for provincial power (?) - This has led to problems in horizontal equity
- Provinces allowed to determine their own
intra-province targeting approach, recognition of
a practical targeting reality - Targeting is 50 based on existing
infrastructure, 50 on poverty of community, but
provincial leeway in what variables to use - To compensate for withdrawal of public resources
from rich schools, public schools allowed to
charge fees. - This has been most controversial innovation
112nd level province to school fiscal transfers
- Private schools also subsidized
- Subsidy calculated to somewhat equalize funding,
but to put private schools at a bit of a
disadvantage - Simple system (2 pages or so)
- School with fees school gets subsidy 60 cost of a public school
- Schools with fees 2.5 X public cost of public
schools get no subsidy - This caused a lot of
controversy - Fee level grandfathered in to prevent gaming
causes a bit of a problem - In spite of subsidy availability, existence of
fee option in public schools has done much to
prevent middle class flight to private schools
this was an important goal prevent US inner
city or Latin America syndrome.
12Donors role
- Pre transition preparation
- Transition well planned in many respects
(compared to Eastern Europe) - Advisors started arriving 1991
- Many provided ongoing continuous support with
lots of institutional memory, through to
elections in 1994 three years of preparation,
dialogue - Many then came invited by new government as
long-term advisors - Donors typically funded advisors, particularly in
early days, and NOT the usual kitchen sink
donor projects - Advisors typically selected by GoSA, not donors,
and often given nearly line-staff senior roles
13Donors role
- Later, after policy environment defined (roughly
1994 to 1997 or 1998) there were more typical
donor projects to drive pilot projects that
exemplified the policy designs - Advisors then often turned to a capacity-building
role - Many of the advisors provided training
- My case two years advising, then two years
training (40 officials in 2 groups, 190 hours
contact time per group, with certification by
Univ of Witwatersrand) - In my view, this is a nearly ideal sequencing for
policy reforms advice, then reform and pilots to
exemplify the reform and capacity building in how
to implement the reforms, all done by the same
people of course this sequence not always poss.
14Themes of advice, capacity-building
- A series of topics
- Setting up the actual fiscal transfers and
explaining their rationale to those that had to
actually implement - Setting up the budgeting and tracking systems,
e.g., expenditure tracking down to school level - Setting up and providing advice and training on
how to target - Tying funding to quality control and notions of
output/input tracking, simple notions of
value-added analysis, etc. Setting up
league-table sorts of exercises,
performance-oriented prizes, etc.
15- Admissions (bias?)
- I am hardly an unbiased academic analyst I was
a guest bureaucrat and played role in design of
all these systems - Ive lost touch a bit in last year or two
- SA not borrowing from Bank, at least for
education, so not much interaction with me since
Ive been at Bank - There may have been some changes not reflected in
this presentation - There has been discussion of not allowing
fee-gathering at school level among the poor - There has been discussion of using a national
poverty targeting list, rather than allowing
province-specific targeting - Not sure where this has ended up