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Towards a Transformative View of Race: The Crisis and Opportunity of Katrina

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Title: Towards a Transformative View of Race: The Crisis and Opportunity of Katrina


1
Towards a Transformative View of Race The
Crisis and Opportunity of Katrina
  • Book Chapter by
  • john a. powell, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Daniel W.
    Newhart, and Eric Steins
  • July 18, 2006

2
Hurricane Katrina
  • Hurricane Katrina and its subsequent flooding
    devastated the New Orleans region, destroying
    neighborhoods and displacing residents throughout
    the nation.
  • Nearly 750,000 people were acutely impacted by
    flooding and storm damage.

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6
Raising Questions
  • You simply get chills every time you see these
    poor individuals. Almost all of them that we see
    are so poor, and they are so black. This is
    going to raise lots of questions for people who
    are watching the story unfold.
  • Wolf Blitzer, on CNNs Situation Room,
    September 1, 2005

7
Struggling to Make Sense of the Disaster
  • Hurricane Katrina illustrated a profound
    connection between race and poverty in the US
  • Like Wolf Blizter, many people were left trying
    to figure out why Katrinas destructive force
    disproportionately impacted African-American and
    poor communities. (Berube and Katz, 2005)
  • How we answer these questions is vitally
    important.

Storm Survivors in New Orleans Photo from
Katrinahelp.com
Storm Survivors in New Orleans Photo from
Combined Federal Campaign of the National Capital
Area
8
Struggling to Make Sense of the Disaster
  • The images suggested a connection that Americans
    was not prepared to grasp.
  • Existing cultural narratives were incapable of
    explaining what we were seeing
  • Were so many poor African Americans affected by
    the storm because they were poor or because they
    were black, or was it because of their culture?
  • We were told poverty was the issue, not race.
    Pundits and politicians reminded us that
  • Nature is colorblind. Katrina did not target New
    Orleans because the city was 68 African
    American, but because it was in the path of the
    storm.
  • The government response, although in adequate,
    was not the result of racial animus

9
Trapped in an Individualistic Frame
  • Americans lacked a story to make sense of the
    facts surrounding Katrina.
  • The individualistic frame does not provide a
    perspective to make sense of the relationship
    between race and poverty. Facts themselves do
    not give meaning.
  • The dominant narrative of the individualism, the
    American dream, and colorblindness makes it
    difficult to see race outside of an
    individualistic frame.

10
The Individualistic Frame
  • The dominant mode of thinking about race and
    racism requires that there be a racist actor in
    order for there to be a racist action.
  • These individualized explanations of racism are
    inadequate.
  • Thinking about racism narrowly as the product of
    individual intent is not helpful because the
    focus is on blame rather than change.
  • Racism is as much a product of systems and
    institutions as it is a manifestation of
    individual behavior.
  • Structural arrangements produce and reproduce
    racial outcomes and can reinforce racial
    attitudes.

11
The Structural View
  • The geography of race led directly to a
    disproportionate storm impact.
  • Prior to the storm, New Orleans was rigidly
    segregated by race
  • Decades of housing discrimination had kept the
    vast majority of the citys black residents in a
    handful of neighborhoods deemed undesirable
    because they were susceptible to flooding.

After levee breaks, the Ninth ward rapidly floods
in New Orleans. Photo by Ted Jackson/NEWHOUSE
NEWS SERVICE)
Evacuees sit stranded in the streets outside the
Convention Center of New Orleans in the aftermath
of Hurricane Katrina September 3, 2005.
REUTERS/SHANNON STAPLETON
12
African American Population in New Orleans
13
Concentrated Poverty
  • Poor black people were isolated in the same
    neighborhoods, resulting in huge tracts of
    concentrated poverty
  • New Orleans has some of the most severe levels of
    concentrated poverty in the nation

14
The Structural View
  • Transit problems were another principal reason
    that the violent impact of Katrina was so
    disproportionately shouldered by poor African
    Americans.
  • Low-income residents are more reliant upon public
    transit. The concentration of poverty and racial
    segregation made it more difficult to temporarily
    relocate when Katrina arrived

15
Structural View
  • Space is highly racialized in this country
  • Housing location determines the quality of
    schools children attend, the quality of public
    services, access to employment and
    transportation, health risks, access to health
    care and public safety
  • The cost to people of color with disparate levels
    of poverty and highly segregated neighborhoods
    was intensified during and after Katrina
  • We talk about poverty in a color-blind way, but
    poverty cannot be divorced from race in this
    country, in fact, it is one of the factors that
    creates racial disparities

16
Housing and Opportunity
  • Housing is Critical in Determining Access to
    Opportunity

17
The Cumulative Impacts of Racial and Opportunity
Segregation
Segregation impacts a number of life-opportunities
Impacts on Health
School Segregation
Impacts on Educational Achievement
Exposure to crime arrest
Transportation limitations and other inequitable
public services
Job segregation
Neighborhood Segregation
Racial stigma, other psychological impacts
Impacts on community power and individual assets
Adapted from figure by Barbara Reskin at
http//faculty.washington.edu/reskin/
18
Structural View
  • The structural view of race directs our attention
    to institutional arrangements that produce and
    reinforce disparities.
  • All of the aspects of opportunity housing,
    education, job training, employment, health care
    and transportation interact with one another
    structurally.
  • With this view, the combined effects of
    institutional arrangements and structures have
    racialized outcomes even when individual
    structures appear race-neutral.

19
Race as a Diagnostic Tool
  • By talking about race in a structural way, we
    begin to see how structural arrangements help
    arrange all of our lives
  • We can then begin to apply this analysis to other
    urban areas. Racialized poverty, segregation,
    and decaying infrastructure of our central cities
    are common problems plaguing urban areas
    nationwide.
  • Like canaries gasping for air, the marginalized
    are signal problems in our democracy

20
Broadening the Conversation
  • Race, when used properly, allows us to examine
    how institutional failings and structural
    arrangements affect us all
  • We can begin to ask questions about the shrinking
    middle class, our anemic investment in public
    space, the meaning of merit in our society, and
    the promises and failures of our democratic
    experiment

21
Opportunities
  • We now have the opportunity to rebuild in such a
    way as to transform pre-existing structural
    arrangements
  • We can begin to reexamine the connections between
    race and class
  • We can begin to decipher how race is inscribed
    spatially into our metropolitan areas
  • We have the chance to talk about the links
    between race, equity, justice, and democracy

22
Structural Racism and Transformation
  • Racial disparities are evidence of structural
    racism, but drawing attention to these
    disparities is not the primary goal
  • The challenge goes beyond eliminating racial
    disparities
  • We must challenge the structures that are
    creating disparities and rebuild them in ways
    that will produce better life chances - for ALL
    OF US

23
An interconnected web
  • Our collective actions and inactions have created
    structures that perpetuate group-based inequality
    - but also distribute meaning
  • Once structures are in place, they appear to have
    logic and momentum of their own
  • This cycle appears as inevitable as it seems
    vicious

24
Conclusions
  • It is time for a new way of speaking about race
    and racism
  • Asking why race and class matter is as important
    as how they matter
  • Conversations about structures and how they
    inhibit or promote opportunity should be had in
    order to create intentional, transformative change

25
Conclusions (cont)
  • A structural framework takes us from meritocracy,
    individualism, and separation, frames which
    normally dominate our conversations, to the idea
    that were all in this together
  • We must come to terms with the extent that race
    remains a central part of how this country is
    organized (Young, 2003)
  • We can begin to create an alternative to highly
    racialized space, a positive one, one that
    includes all of us

26
www.KirwanInstitute.org
27
The Communities of Opportunity Approach
  • The communities of opportunity is based an
    extensive body of research and literature related
    to concentrated poverty, regional equity,
    metropolitan dynamics, spatial racism, housing
    mobility, segregation, etc.
  • The central principle of opportunity based
    housing is that residents of metropolitan regions
    are situated within a complex, interconnected web
    of opportunity structures (or lack thereof) that
    significantly shapes their quality of life

28
Opportunity Mapping
  • Opportunity mapping is a research tool used to
    understand the dynamics of opportunity within
    metropolitan areas
  • The purpose of opportunity mapping is to
    illustrate where opportunity rich communities
    exist (and assess who has access to these
    communities)
  • Also, to understand what needs to be remedied in
    opportunity poor communities
  • Use to review and analyze specific policies and
    proposals.
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