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The External Effects of Black Male Incarceration on Black Females

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Title: The External Effects of Black Male Incarceration on Black Females


1
The External Effects of Black Male Incarceration
on Black Females
  • Stéphane Mechoulan
  • University of Toronto
  • January 2008

2
Listening to Black Womens Plight
  • Its hard because men have it easy. They have
    two to three women per man, so its very easy for
    him to not stay committed. A woman like me is
    looking for commitment and will try almost
    anything just to keep that commitment going ()
    Im gonna accept this BS hes giving me because
    () without him () its gonna be hard for me to
    find someone else to be with () seeing it as,
    if I let him go, this other womans gonna have
    him. () I dont want to be alone. African
    American woman, Syracuse, New York, 2003
  • Cited in Lane et al. (2004) Marriage Promotion
    and Missing Men, Medical Anthropology Quarterly
    18(4) 405-28.

3
Motivation
  • Unfavorable sex ratio for Black women in the U.S.
  • Example 1 in 8 (!) Black males age 25-29 were
    incarcerated in 2004
  • In contrast 1 in 28 Hispanic and 1 in 59 White
    (BJS data)?
  • 1 in 3 Black males can expect to go to prison in
    their lifetime (The Sentencing Project).
  • Prevalence of imprisonment gt 15 x higher for
    Black males than for Black females (BJS data)?

4
Objective finding causal links between black
male incarceration and black females outcomes
  • Black non-marital teen fertility higher in
    absolute value
  • But declining faster than for Whites
  • Young Black single female Labor force
    participation lower
  • But rising while that of young White women stable
    or declining
  • Black women bridge racial gap in education faster
    than Black men

5
Direction of the effect uncertain
  • Example fertility
  • Wilsons hypothesis
  • Increase in incarceration contributes to the
    scarcity
  • More bargaining on male side
  • On the female side, expected increase in birth
    control measures
  • Sheer magnitude of male shortage could mean fewer
    sexual relations altogether

6
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7

8
Is the Incarceration of Black men responsible?
  • Explosion of incarceration in the U.S.
  • Black males make 43 of inmates in 2000
  • Sources War on Drugs, sentencing changes etc.
  • Large variations in the last 30 years within
    states
  • Allows for disentangling incarceration paths from
    state effects, year effects and secular trends in
    socio-economic changes within states

9
Overview of Results
  • Causal effect on non marital teen fertility
  • Causal effect on black female education
  • Causal effect on black female employment
  • OLS effect on marriage not robust to IV

10
Literature Review
  • Sex Ratio imbalance studies / Wilsons (1987)
    hypothesis
  • Economics and the U.S. Judicial system
  • Little attention on the external effects of male
    incarceration on women
  • Exceptions Charles and Luoh (2006), Kamdar
    (2007)?

11
Data
  • BJS data on prisoners by state, gender and race
    since 1978
  • 95 of prisoners between the age of 20 and 54
  • Population counts from the Census by state,
    gender, race and 5 year age brackets since 1970
  • Independent variable of interest incarceration
    rate per 20-54 y/o male population for each race
  • Bias from increasingly older prison population
    even if average served time up by months, not
    years
  • Ageing prison population more pronounced among
    Whites than among Blacks, in particular quasi
    constant of young Black inmates per total Black
    inmate population in the 1990s

12
Data merge
  • Data on fertility from June CPS (some gaps)
  • Data on schooling, marital status and employment
    from March CPS (fewer gaps)
  • Merging of BJS / Census and CPS data on a state /
    race / year level with one year lag between adult
    male incarceration rate and observation of
    outcome of interest

13
The Matching Problem
  • Which incarceration rates to match with whom?
  • Equivalently at what age are incarceration rates
    (most) relevant?
  • Several ad hoc possible methods
  • By looking at young women, we limit mismatch
    error when assigning incarceration rate of the
    preceding year to each observation

14
Are the constructed prison rates relevant
statistics?
  • Marriage Markets few interracial marriages
  • Jail statistics misleading / unreliable but
    small compared to prisons
  • Prisons 90 of prisoners are state prisoners
  • Proportion of prisoners incarcerated in a state
    different from the one they lived in/offended
  • negligible
  • does not affect the assignment of prisoners by
    state

15
Methods
  • Benchmark OLS with standard errors clustered by
    state
  • Different specifications, using in turn
  • No controls
  • year effects
  • year effects state effects
  • year effects state effects state trend
    effects
  • year effects state effects state trend
    effects
  • state trend2 effects
  • year effects state effects state trend
    effects
  • state trend2 effects other potentially
    relevant variables (local male unemployment
    rates, local measures of welfare generosity from
    Fang and Keane (2004))
  • Assumptions
  • Decisions made by young women do not cause the
    behaviors that result in men being incarcerated
  • Male shortage first order effect vs. deterrence
    (source of bias)

16
Further examination
  • Difference estimation, using Whites as
    quasi-control group
  • Instruments considered
  • sentencing changes
  • major jumps in prison capacity
  • If you build it, they will come (back)

17
Use of filters to select best instrumental
variables
  • To be considered valid, each instrument to be
    significant in the first stage
  • In the BJS / Census based source file on
    incarceration (balanced sample of 22 years (50
    states D.C.))
  • In the CPS data (unbalanced sample)
  • Pass Sargan tests of overidentifying restrictions

18
Instruments chosen
  • Sentencing Changes
  • Presumptive Sentencing works best
  • Major Prison Capacity Expansions
  • Missing Data
  • Identifying the pull effect with parole data
  • Instruments have different effects for Black and
    White male incarceration
  • F tests gt 25 in all specifications strongly
    reject non-significance of instruments
  • Driven by the capacity IV. Sentencing change IV
    is weak
  • Capacity expansion IV affects more marginal
    offenders

19
Table 3 First Stage Linear Regressions with
robust standard errors clustered by
stateDependent Variable State/Year Black Male
Prisoners per 20-54 Black Men ()
  • (1) (2)
  • Presumptive Sentencing -0.542 -0.683
  • (Dummy variable) (0.288) (0.682)
  • Major Capacity Expansion 1.925 1.849
  • (Dummy variable) (0.125) (0.093)
  • Adjusted R2 0.977 0.985
  • F-test (both IV 0) 158 199
  • F-test (all extra variables 0) 1,779
  • Observations 5,369 5,133
  • Sample used in Table 3
  • Models (1)-(2) contain year, state, statetrend
    and statetrend2 effects

20
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21
What is so compelling about Texas?
  • Overcrowding litigation leading to prison
    capacity expansion spans over a decade
  • overcrowding litigation filing (1978-79),
    preliminary court decision (1980-84), final
    decision (1985-91) and further action (subsequent
    court intervention, including the appointment of
    special monitors, contempt orders) (1992-93)
  • Prison capacity expansion movement starts before
    1995
  • Movement starts during democratic governor Ann
    Richards tenure, hence independently of George
    Bushs platform
  • George Bush sex ed policies were abstinence-only
    based
  • Literature says such policies are ineffective at
    best. Actually for non-Blacks it was a clear
    failure.

22
Summary Statistics of Dependent Variables
  • Observations Average Std Dev Min Max
  • Whether a Mother, (Black) 5,369 0.2958 - 0 1
  • Whether a Mother, (White) 28,987 0.0634 - 0
    1
  • Educational attainment
  • (Black) 2,762 12.422 1.5467 0 18
  • Educational attainment
  • (White) 14,969 12.9017 1.598 0 18
  • Full Time Employed 4,799 0.2446 - 0 1
  • (Black)
  • Full Time Employed 26,110 0.3513 - 0 1
  • (White)

23
Table 5Linear Regressions with robust standard
errors clustered by stateSample June CPS
unmarried Black women age 18-20 (1979-85, 1990,
1992, 1994-1995, 1998, 2000)Dependent Variable
whether a mother
  • (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (IV) (9)
    (IV) (10) (IV2) (11)(IV2)
  • Black Prison rate
  • 20-54 y/o 0.001 0.001 -0.002 -0.039 -0.043 -0.056
    -0.1 -0.1 -0.129 -0.148
  • (0.004) (0.009) (0.011) (0.016) (0.021) (0.02
    4) (0.044) (0.05) (0.019) (0.022)
  • Prison rate 0.052
  • (0.052)
  • Prison rateBlack -0.095
  • (0.058)
  • Year Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Yes Yes
  • State Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
  • StateTrend Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
  • StateTrend2 Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
  • Extra Controls Yes Yes Yes
  • Adjusted R2 0.017 0.019 0.032 0.036 0.036 0.034 0.
    108 0.034 0.033 0.032 0.031
  • Observations5,369 5,369 5,369 5,369 5,369 5,133
    34,356 5,369 5,133 5,369 5,133
  • All models control for age, age2

24
Comments
  • Positive non-significant effect of male
    incarceration for White females
  • Consistently significant negative effect for
    Black females
  • Large coefficients reminiscent of Rosenzweig
    (1999)
  • Supports the idea of a nonlinear effect
  • Small deviations in the sex ratio -gt could
    explain findings in the White sample
  • For large enough deviations, sheer shortage of
    men would decreases early fertility
  • Cannot tell through which channel given CPS data

25
Other significant outcomes
  • Education significant positive effect of male
    incarceration on Black females age 20
  • All specifications for initial CPS coding up to
    1991, only for IV specifications for CPS coding
    post 1991 (smaller sample)
  • Employment Significant positive effect of male
    incarceration on Black females age 20-22 across
    specifications

26
Table 6Linear Regressions with robust standard
errors clustered by stateSample March CPS
unmarried Black women age 20 (1979-1991)Dependen
t Variable Last attended grade?
  • (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (IV) (9) (IV)
  • Black Prison rate
  • 20-54 y/o -0.028 -0.018 0.119 0.368 0.614 0.6 0.
    678 2.22
  • (0.048) (0.06) (0.064) (0.163) (0.242) (0.271)
    (0.147) (0.915)
  • Prison rate -0.833
  • (0.754)
  • Prison rateBlack 1.447
  • (0.772)
  • Year Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
  • State Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
  • StateTrend Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
  • StateTrend2 Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
  • Extra Controls Yes Yes
  • Adjusted R2 0 0.001 0.013 0.02 0.018 0.022 0.319
    0.018 0.001
  • Observations1,793 1,793 1,793 1,793 1,793 1,711
    11,643 1,793 1,711

27
Table 7Linear Regressions with robust standard
errors clustered by stateSample March CPS Black
women age 20-22 (1979-93 and 1996-2000)Dependent
Variable employed full-time
  • (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (IV) (9)
    (IV) (10) (IV2) (11) (IV2)
  • Black Prison rate
  • 20-54 y/o
  • 0.01 0.008 -0.007 0.035 0.046 0.06 0.082 0.16 0.
    081 0.166
  • (0.04) (0.008) (0.008) (0.01) (0.019) (0.0
    22) (0.012) (0.043) (0.013) (0.047)
  • Prison rate -0.113
  • (0.06)
  • Prison rateBlack 0.159
  • (0.06)
  • Year Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
    Yes Yes
  • State Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
  • StateTrend Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes

28
Impact on Marriage
  • Significant OLS results for Blacks in some
    specifications
  • Insignificant IV results
  • Concurs with Wood (1990) missing Black men may
    not be marriage material in the first place
  • At odds with Charles and Luoh (2006)
  • Using 1980, 1990 and 2000 (i.e., mimicking
    their sample) I could reproduce their results

29
Conclusions
  • Welfare Analysis
  • Complex picture but negative effect should be
    first-order
  • More outcomes can be studied, e.g., welfare
    participation
  • Richer data sets could tell us better which women
    are most affected and through which channels
    incarceration operates
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